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追緝:炸彈客第一季

歐美劇美國2017

主演:薩姆·沃辛頓  保羅·貝坦尼  簡·林奇  迪塞爾·馬德金斯  卡佳·赫爾伯斯  格里夫·弗斯特  瑞貝卡·亨德森  杰里米·博布  凱莎·卡斯特-休伊斯  琳恩·柯林斯  布萊恩·F·奧博恩  伊莉莎白·里瑟  本·韋伯  克里斯·諾斯  

導(dǎo)演:格雷格·艾坦尼斯

 劇照

追緝:炸彈客第一季 劇照 NO.1追緝:炸彈客第一季 劇照 NO.2追緝:炸彈客第一季 劇照 NO.3追緝:炸彈客第一季 劇照 NO.4追緝:炸彈客第一季 劇照 NO.5追緝:炸彈客第一季 劇照 NO.6追緝:炸彈客第一季 劇照 NO.13追緝:炸彈客第一季 劇照 NO.14追緝:炸彈客第一季 劇照 NO.15追緝:炸彈客第一季 劇照 NO.16追緝:炸彈客第一季 劇照 NO.17追緝:炸彈客第一季 劇照 NO.18追緝:炸彈客第一季 劇照 NO.19追緝:炸彈客第一季 劇照 NO.20
更新時(shí)間:2024-06-10 16:21

詳細(xì)劇情

  Discovery頻道的8集FBI罪案調(diào)查劇《追緝:炸彈客 Manhunt: Unabomber》(原名《宣言 Manifesto》)確定在美國時(shí)間8月1日首播,首播集為兩小時(shí)集?!蹲肪儯赫◤椏汀酚蒏evin Spacey和Dana Brunetti擔(dān)任本劇的執(zhí)行制片人,執(zhí)筆了本劇試映集的Andrew Sodroski也負(fù)責(zé)制作本劇。該劇根據(jù)現(xiàn)實(shí)改篇,大學(xué)炸彈客Ted Kaczynski是位大學(xué)數(shù)學(xué)教授,擁有167的高智商,以炸彈犯罪引致3死23傷?! ”緞≈饕v述了FBI如何抓住那些聲名狼藉的“優(yōu)秀”罪犯,第一季將著眼于FBI探員Jim "Fitz" Fitzgerald(Sam Worthington飾),一個(gè)不習(xí)慣用老方法收集情報(bào)的專門語言學(xué)家。他用自己非傳統(tǒng)的方法讓藏匿了近20年的“大學(xué)炸彈客/隱形炸彈/Unabomber”被繩之以法,關(guān)鍵之處就在于他發(fā)現(xiàn)了“大學(xué)炸彈客”的真實(shí)身份可能隱藏在他的"宣言"中,而這個(gè)"宣言"也是Kaczynski眾多陰謀之一。Paul Bettany飾演被稱為“大學(xué)炸彈客”的Ted Kaczynski,而John Berchtold將飾演年輕時(shí)代的Ted Kaczynski。

 長篇影評

 1 ) 有智慧的人都是變態(tài)

試想:

1122案件- 危害公共安全重大事件辦公室

數(shù)字證據(jù)-項(xiàng)目編號GA/T 1179 - 2022

摘要:“1122”案件嫌疑人在暗網(wǎng)第一次公布其作案動(dòng)機(jī),送交法醫(yī)語言學(xué)專項(xiàng)組進(jìn)行分析


《中國文化產(chǎn)業(yè)和其未來》

你把屏幕握在你的手里,你決定移動(dòng)手指,決定點(diǎn)開什么,你看什么,聽什么,讀什么都是你自己的意愿,自己個(gè)性的選擇。想想你看到了什么,你看到的東西怎么到達(dá)了你手指尖點(diǎn)到的位置,想想那背后有多少人為之工作——有的人負(fù)責(zé)把好看的數(shù)字編織出來,夸大到將將可信的程度;有的負(fù)責(zé)使用柳葉刀,硅膠和肉毒素,把曾經(jīng)需要數(shù)代人優(yōu)秀基因組合的結(jié)果迅速的制造出來;還有的負(fù)責(zé)將這些制造品賦予活人的特點(diǎn),讓這些絲毫沒有魅力,沒有氣質(zhì),沒有靈魂的一具具活體商品,顯露出一點(diǎn)人性,讓我們更能喜歡他們——仿佛他們也擁有我們擁有的情感,從而獲得流量,獲得粉絲,實(shí)現(xiàn)更好看的數(shù)字。因?yàn)榱髁俊⒎劢z和數(shù)字意味著,當(dāng)我們看到這張臉,或者這個(gè)封面的時(shí)候,我們意識到,聽別人說過這件事,所以我們應(yīng)該看看。

……當(dāng)你的手指在屏幕上劃過來劃過去,遲遲不能選擇的時(shí)候,會不會有種異樣的情感揮之不去:仿佛這些東西和你毫無關(guān)系。問問你自己,他們究竟活在什么樣的世界里,為什么我的世界如此不同?我們試圖壓抑另一種懷疑:這種持續(xù)性的差強(qiáng)人意是否意味著:他們坑害了我們,欺騙了我們,剝奪了我們選擇的權(quán)力?我們?yōu)槭裁纯傄策x擇不了喜歡的東西?我們在自己不喜歡的工作中,勤勤懇懇耕耘,換來的錢,換來的閑暇竟然白白給了他們,因?yàn)槲覀兊妮p信,我們的糊涂,就這樣的被這些假臉,假數(shù)據(jù),假故事騙走了。


……我知道這個(gè)騙局,因?yàn)槲乙苍?jīng)身在其中。這個(gè)騙局,叫做文化產(chǎn)業(yè)復(fù)合體,是由資本,明星,消費(fèi)終端平臺公司組成的利益共同體。這個(gè)工業(yè)體系的核心目的,就是消滅我們以往的源于生活的審美、文化和思考的愉悅體驗(yàn),并利用他們可以控制的人員,渠道,和評判標(biāo)準(zhǔn)之下生產(chǎn)的“模擬文化體驗(yàn)”,去取代它。這些模擬文化體驗(yàn)就是你手指尖底下的東西,它不要求你喜歡他,認(rèn)同它,崇拜他,它只有一個(gè)訴求,你點(diǎn)“付款”。因?yàn)楫?dāng)你點(diǎn)了付款以后,這個(gè)騙局的謊言,所有的假數(shù)據(jù),假臉,假戲,都被你證實(shí)是真的。而真實(shí)的生活,那個(gè)你每天睜開眼,呼吸的空氣,走過的街道,令你喜歡的,討厭的,難過的,擔(dān)心的,也因?yàn)槟沐e(cuò)誤的點(diǎn)擊,而變得無足輕重。

……我們看到的是包裝,是推廣,是粉飾,而包裝的作用,就是暗示我們,不需要?jiǎng)幽X子,不需要思考,不要有自己的判斷,相信我們,相信所見。你只需要掏錢。而我不禁要問,憑什么?


……當(dāng)我意識到我的工作助紂為虐的本質(zhì)之后,我不僅決定立刻停止,我決定必須要修補(bǔ)我曾經(jīng)做過的破壞。必須摧毀文化產(chǎn)業(yè)復(fù)合體造謊的能力,其中一種方法就是必須摧毀那些正在造謊的人。

……如果我的行為成功的實(shí)現(xiàn)了我的意圖,那么我毋庸置疑的違反了國家法律,違反了社會的道德,如果我的身份被公開,面臨被逮捕,面臨法律制裁,那么文化產(chǎn)業(yè)復(fù)合體和其下屬的新聞媒體網(wǎng)絡(luò)會將我描述成一個(gè)瘋子,神經(jīng)病,或者一個(gè)恐怖分子,這當(dāng)中只有一個(gè)稱謂我可以有條件的接受。那就是,任何政治運(yùn)動(dòng)在成功之前的參與者,都是被其敵對勢力稱之為“恐怖分子”。

……一個(gè)盡職盡責(zé)的恐怖分子的理念還是不可避免的會傳達(dá)給公眾,因此,文化利益一體更有可能說我是一個(gè)瘋子,因?yàn)槲宜叛龅睦砟睿{著他們每一個(gè)人的利益,撼動(dòng)了他們賴以生存的基礎(chǔ),我的行為對文化產(chǎn)業(yè)復(fù)合體的每一個(gè)受益者,每一個(gè)幫助其維護(hù)謊言的人,都產(chǎn)生了毀滅性威脅,他們會不計(jì)一切代價(jià)的摧毀我的名譽(yù),構(gòu)筑關(guān)于我的謊言。而真實(shí)的我,雖然不明智,但是至少是理智,心態(tài)開放,并且清晰地認(rèn)識到,作為一個(gè)中國人,對自己的文化,對自己民族的同胞在世界上的形象和地位,擔(dān)負(fù)著不可推卸的責(zé)任。我的行為雖然游離法外,依然是服務(wù)于這個(gè)古老族群的長久利益,而不是將自己靈魂售賣給一個(gè),心態(tài)扭曲,思想犬儒,并且努力擺脫民族身份和集體形象的精英集團(tuán)。

????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????

以上舉個(gè)例子,如果一個(gè)連環(huán)殺手以傳播上述理念為名,殺掉無數(shù)個(gè)明星,體會一下這個(gè)感覺。寫這些,要引出我想到的:

恐怖分子的 what, who,和 why

這部戲的what who why元素分別是,

郵寄炸彈/ 被哈佛科學(xué)實(shí)驗(yàn)侵犯過的學(xué)生,有智慧有能力的數(shù)學(xué)家/認(rèn)為自由被科技剝奪 ,改造社會

《追緝炸彈客》的影視故事編寫,就是通過偵探查案的情節(jié),告訴我們這幾個(gè)案件的元素是什么;與普通罪案不一樣的地方源于他的作案動(dòng)機(jī)(WHY)。 普通的調(diào)查,無論是《L&O》《CSI》還是《The Killing》,隨著Who(嫌疑人)的改變,我們要考慮作案的Why(動(dòng)機(jī))是什么,是金錢利益,復(fù)仇,意外死亡隱瞞犯罪事實(shí),等等。

《追》當(dāng)中,WHY雖然來自于意識形態(tài)的理念,“科技剝奪自由”,但是它的核心講的還是個(gè)人的自由被社會剝奪的主題,

能夠找到真相,真理,和正確道路的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者,往往是在人類組織中遭到排斥的。因?yàn)榻M織的目的是維持現(xiàn)狀。

一方面這點(diǎn)更加能激發(fā)原始情感,我們都體會過被邊緣化,或者自己的正確意見沒有人重視,這種受挫感是觀眾立刻能認(rèn)同的—— 另一方面 也是將偵探和罪犯緊緊鏈接起來的一個(gè)紐帶:

為了能更好的理解偵探故事的人物網(wǎng)絡(luò)構(gòu)建,可以看一下這視頻理解,

1)罪犯、偵探都是敏感有觀察力的人,他們共同發(fā)現(xiàn)了同樣的東西,并且堅(jiān)信不疑

2)調(diào)查中要有和搭檔性格對比,我們得以發(fā)現(xiàn)偵探深藏的缺陷(人物的ghost,wound,lack)

3)罪犯的訴求也是偵探的欲望,罪犯是偵探的“陰影、極端行為”,是唯一能改變偵探的事物

劇本教室

【劇本教室】《真探》與《七宗罪》:在黑暗中創(chuàng)造光明【BtoZmovie】_嗶哩嗶哩_bilibili

《追》中,偵探Fitz 是一個(gè)在晉升階梯上爬升極為不順的人,為什么呢?因?yàn)樗欠瓷鐣模恍加谧駨恼锏牡燃壩幕?,一條路堵死以后,他必須通過增加另一方面的競爭力,他學(xué)霸的一面才能進(jìn)步。幸運(yùn)的,也是不幸的是,這樣一個(gè)自學(xué)成才,成績優(yōu)異的新探員得到一個(gè)“積極反饋”,加入最重要的項(xiàng)目組,尋找Unabomber。所謂積極反饋,就是社會犒賞了他反社會的行為,允許他繼續(xù)獨(dú)立思考,不服從管理。那么后來上司Don一遍遍要他服從,聽話,耐心地要他仔細(xì)按要求做,不是因?yàn)樗憛掃@個(gè)下屬,而是教給他,這就是社會的真相。除了完成組織目標(biāo)以外,F(xiàn)itz必須要學(xué)會社會組織的另一項(xiàng)關(guān)鍵目標(biāo),保證等級階梯中的各個(gè)人員,獲得應(yīng)該得到尊重,給足面子。

這一點(diǎn),是Ted絕對不可能做到的。

社會第一個(gè)真相: 聰明有智慧的人,是社會的敵人。

不要輕信因?yàn)槟愕某煽?,才干,能力,IQ等等,你所在的組織真的把你當(dāng)成資產(chǎn)。無論是什么社會,都有游戲規(guī)則,有自上而下的金字塔等級系統(tǒng),而聰明人眼中看到的是目標(biāo),更智慧的人看到的是終極意義,他們根本不care游戲規(guī)則,這就是讓系統(tǒng)里其他人不爽的地方。當(dāng)然有更大可能,挑事者其實(shí)是自作聰明的自戀者,他們對游戲規(guī)則的反叛直接威脅系統(tǒng)的穩(wěn)定,因?yàn)槊恳粋€(gè)人必須貢獻(xiàn)給這個(gè)系統(tǒng),這個(gè)系統(tǒng)才能實(shí)現(xiàn)目標(biāo),合作的代價(jià)就是妥協(xié),妥協(xié)多了,這些妥協(xié)就去除了背后人與人之間交流的人味兒,抽象成為一個(gè)可怕的,冷冰冰的規(guī)則,當(dāng)科學(xué)技術(shù)幫助執(zhí)行這個(gè)規(guī)則的時(shí)候,就像你打客服電話,機(jī)器人叫你“請按1”的時(shí)候,你是被邊緣化的。因而,我們的炸彈客Unabomber 與其在說自由如何被科技剝奪,不如說是在抱怨這社會集體合謀干掉個(gè)性,干掉獨(dú)立思考。

一個(gè)受過高等教育,而且缺乏社會化的人,一定是活得最憋屈,最想發(fā)聲讓人聽到的。非暴力的方法就如《荒野生存/into the wild》中克里斯那樣在阿拉斯加自給自足,抵抗文明社會,最后自己受苦。另一種則是Ted這樣侵犯性的,生活在文明邊緣,悄然布局,對社會進(jìn)行攻擊。這兩種途徑都必須置身在大自然環(huán)境中汲取精神力量,原因不是大自然多么美好,多么令人頭腦清醒,斗志昂然,而是因?yàn)榇笞匀徊皇侨祟愇拿鳌?/p>

社會第二個(gè)真相:無論是否有動(dòng)植物,社會人所在的系統(tǒng),就是“自然”環(huán)境。

大自然是地球給人類的,它十分美好,充滿內(nèi)在的和實(shí)用的價(jià)值。當(dāng)Ted抱怨科技摧毀人類自由,控制了我們選擇的能力,也抱怨當(dāng)下社會因?yàn)閾肀Э萍即輾Я舜笞匀?,這種理念其實(shí)受到了很多環(huán)境主義者的追捧。但是大自然只能是地球給人類的么? 如果你是一個(gè)社會人,你必須要接受,樹林和海邊只是你在法定假期和休息日去的地方,而你的大自然就是人類文明創(chuàng)造出的系統(tǒng),是你所在的地鐵,辦公室,候機(jī)大廳,220v交流電,5G 手機(jī)網(wǎng)絡(luò), 802.11 wifi。

以Ted的為代表的告知知識分子,包括許許多多環(huán)境主義者都受過高等教育,他們傾向于把人類集體所當(dāng)成烏合之眾,人類集體文明自然需要全盤的否定和批判。在他們看來,既然是人類創(chuàng)造的,一定是有問題的。不然為什么我的正確觀點(diǎn)融不到當(dāng)下人類社會的創(chuàng)造之中。Ted們唯一論據(jù),就是“這不是大自然” 但是大自然并不代表人類集體選擇,只有北極圈,亞馬遜,亞撒哈拉,所羅門群盜等地方的族群不想用科技能力改造生活環(huán)境,大多數(shù)人類選擇通過放棄某種自由,交換來一些方便的功用,紛紛像羊群一樣排隊(duì)購買。

實(shí)際情況很有可能我們?nèi)祟悤绲厍?,抑或把地球改造成面目全非的樣子,這些,作為一個(gè)社會人,我們都得把這些“人文”環(huán)境,當(dāng)成是“人”然而然。這也是Ted們鄙視大多數(shù)人的原因。

社會第三個(gè)真相:沒有人有答案,但是我們都知道自己該做什么。

影片中的聯(lián)邦調(diào)查局調(diào)查爆炸案走向起初各種歧途,只能怪自己的組織系統(tǒng)沒有激勵(lì)創(chuàng)新想法的機(jī)制,沒有聰明人作出貢獻(xiàn)的渠道。但組織面對危機(jī),在壓力下需要改變的時(shí)候,組織信任什么人去面對未知世界的挑戰(zhàn)呢?

所有的人類體驗(yàn)涉及到的領(lǐng)域可以歸納為:已知世界,未知世界,和求知者。社會正常運(yùn)行的情況,都是這個(gè)穩(wěn)定安全,十分權(quán)威性的已知世界在發(fā)揮作用;而到了危機(jī)出現(xiàn),社會維持現(xiàn)狀的目標(biāo)會阻礙其面對未知世界挑戰(zhàn)的能力。無論如何,組織委派的人,必須是被組織訓(xùn)練得聽話的人,所謂已受訓(xùn)人員。他們已經(jīng)明白領(lǐng)導(dǎo)要什么,組織要什么,這些目標(biāo)和這個(gè)案子要什么,并不是永遠(yuǎn)一致的。不要期待有任何大領(lǐng)導(dǎo)代你走向勝利,沒有人知道真相是什么,只有靠以往經(jīng)驗(yàn),或者靠自己深信不疑的故事。所以,這個(gè)社會隨時(shí)面臨崩盤,永遠(yuǎn)沒有足夠的聰明人,沒有足夠的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力,沒有足夠的應(yīng)急預(yù)案。那究竟是什么保持這個(gè)社會穩(wěn)定運(yùn)行呢?

你。你知道什么是對的,什么是社會認(rèn)可的。你的順從,你的妥協(xié),在團(tuán)體當(dāng)中,你從來不做極端的事情。你是一個(gè)已知世界的常駐人員。而當(dāng)你面對未知世界的時(shí)候,你的教育,智力,執(zhí)行力,社會資源,決定了你是否認(rèn)可社會教給你的東西,是否認(rèn)可社會,是否能用行為證明你的信仰。

回到第一個(gè)真相,很有可能,面對未知世界的時(shí)候,社會會把你當(dāng)成敵人。

如果我是一個(gè)變態(tài)

回到我的假設(shè):我有感于中國人的文化被“文化產(chǎn)業(yè)復(fù)合體”威脅,我制造了恐怖的活動(dòng),全世界報(bào)道。我發(fā)出了《中國文化產(chǎn)業(yè)和其未來》被人傳播, 我并不是因?yàn)橛辛苏_的信仰,令人信服的論據(jù),而得到普通人的同情,認(rèn)可的,恰恰是因?yàn)槲易龀隽?span style="font-weight: bold;">極端的行為。并且我成功的付諸行動(dòng)了。你可能會判斷出,道德上,法律上,我是對的還是錯(cuò)的。并且顯而易見,任何使用暴力的行為都是挑戰(zhàn)這個(gè)國家,而必然要受到懲罰。

但是你無法計(jì)算和衡量,隨機(jī)某一個(gè)人對我的態(tài)度。比如在這個(gè)產(chǎn)業(yè)中,可能想要改變現(xiàn)狀,可能正在對當(dāng)前狀況不滿,這個(gè)隨機(jī)人是不是認(rèn)可我的宣言,對他到底是有好處,還是有壞處,和他是否相信我說的無關(guān)。

WHO is the unabomer? 《追緝炸彈客》是所有偵探片中,對恐怖分子刻畫的最細(xì)膩,最人情味兒的一部,但是我們知道Ted是悲劇的。這種悲劇不是來自結(jié)尾他得到應(yīng)有的懲罰,而是來自他對愛的渴望,他受到的背叛,和他對于普通人交流的向往而不得。這個(gè)本來可能擁有一個(gè)不錯(cuò)人生的高智商人,選擇了與科技人文-與社會你死我活的來個(gè)對決。

 2 ) 《論工業(yè)社會及其未來》

?You tell yourself that you're the ones in control. They obey you, your technology, your machines. But what would you do without your car, your telephone? What if all the airplanes just stopped? 10 years ago, computers were expensive toys. Today, civilization as we know would fall apart without them. You live in terror of a blackout, a computer crash, a car won't start, a phone doesn't ring. So you construct your lives, your whole society so that won't happen. Everything revolves around their needs, not yours. They buzz, you jump. They beep, you answer. So ask yourself... who's really in control? You or them?

?I want you to think about the mail for a minute. Stop taking it for granted like some complacent, sleepwalking sheep and really think about it. I promise you, you will find the U.S. Mail a worthy object of your contemplation. A piece of paper can cross a continent like we're passing notes in class.I can send you cookies from the opposite side of the world, And all I have to do is write your name on the box, put some stamps on it, and drop it in. And you see, it only works because every single person along the chain Acts like a mindless automaton. write an address, and they just... Obey. No question. No deviation. No pause to contemplate eternity... or beauty... or death. Even you, for all your protestations of free will, if a box comes with your name on it, you can't even imagine doing anything other... Than obey. it's not your fault. Society made you this way. But you're a sheep, and you're living in a world of sheep. And because you're all sheep, because all you can do is obey, I can reach out and touch anyone anywhere. I can reach out and touch you... Right now

 3 ) 科技表示這鍋我不背,以及缺愛的熊孩子破壞力如何爆表

按理說,這是一部有野心的劇集。有野心的意思是案件和解謎都不是終點(diǎn),有些更深、更具普遍意義的主題要探討和表達(dá)。

雙線敘事,然后合成一股。一條線是95年的破案,寫不再年輕的新進(jìn)探員Fitz加入U(xiǎn)nabomber專案組,寫他怎樣不囿于權(quán)威和威權(quán)獨(dú)立思考,怎樣獨(dú)辟蹊徑抽絲剝繭,怎樣廢寢忘食渾然忘我,怎樣不擇手段不惜傷人,怎樣被排擠被搶功,怎樣感到迷惑而離群索居;另一條線是97年的審案,像Ted一樣在荒僻的小屋里獨(dú)居兩年的Fitz為了奪回功勞也為了“找到答案”,開始了和Ted的幾次交鋒:

第一回合Fitz試圖拉近關(guān)系,以“我懂你”的姿態(tài)“幫”你選最好的一條出路,Ted挑明Fitz不過是想擺脫自己的職業(yè)困境放手一搏,更反戈一擊說我之所以對你另眼相看恰恰是因?yàn)槟愀沂峭环N人,你看待語言的角度不同,這就是擺脫奴役、重獲自由的第一步,臊眉耷眼的Fitz險(xiǎn)些給策反,完敗

第二回合Fitz把手里的證據(jù)都擺給Ted看,告訴他鐵證如山,plead guilty是對他最有利的選項(xiàng),F(xiàn)itz反擊說這些證據(jù)都來自對小木屋的搜查,而那張搜查令只建立在你創(chuàng)立的“鑒證語言學(xué)”所給出的孤證上,我只要在法庭上揪住這個(gè)薄弱環(huán)節(jié)窮追猛打,所有這些“鐵證”就轟然坍塌,隨之一起毀滅的還有你的信譽(yù)、名聲和前途,以及你心心念念的“鑒證語言學(xué)”。完敗。

第三回合Fitz自覺抓到了Ted的痛點(diǎn):認(rèn)罪你還能以“Unabomber”之名永存于世,如果否認(rèn)而且脫罪,你的manifesto就只是澹妄誑語,連你自己都不敢認(rèn)的宣言,還指望有人相信嗎?自由和legacy,你總得放棄一樣。Ted說你跟我提legacy?我才是你的legacy吧?你急于要我認(rèn)罪,難道不是因?yàn)槟阕钇惹械目释?,就是證明自己不一樣,宣示自己比任何別的人都聰明,難道不是因?yàn)樽サ轿?,是你僅有的、最大的成就?下一個(gè)鏡頭,F(xiàn)itz離開,兩個(gè)人在沒人看得到的地方,不約而同地扶住墻捂著胸口。殺敵一千,自損八百,這一回合,算是Ted慘勝。

最后一個(gè)回合,F(xiàn)itz帶Ted來到他被連根拔起的小屋,告訴他律師打算用“精神異常”為他辯護(hù),告訴他你以為最壞的情況不過一死?不不不他們連這個(gè)也不會給你,你會...被“治好”,會變“正?!?,會重新回到社會,跟你所鄙視的任何一只“羊”一樣,過那個(gè)你用了一生反對和抗?fàn)幍娜松?。這一次,連殺身成仁的機(jī)會也沒給你留下。當(dāng)Ted失掉他一直以來的風(fēng)度和冷靜,像被逼到墻角的困獸一樣詈罵和摔打,Fitz知道這次他贏了。

然而真是他贏了嗎?擊敗Unabomber的,究竟是不合群的探員,還是無形無質(zhì)又無遠(yuǎn)弗屆無所不能的社會規(guī)則,或者負(fù)責(zé)“抹除”“異端邪說”的“他們”?Ted認(rèn)了罪,他是個(gè)殉道者,是個(gè)戰(zhàn)士;他雖然屈從于法律,卻沒有放棄自己的信念。Fitz呢?他所描述給Ted的那個(gè),讓一個(gè)連環(huán)爆炸案的嫌犯恐懼到寧可坐一輩子牢的“正?!鄙睿徽撬约阂呀?jīng)過了半輩子,還將再過半輩子的人生?所以,究竟是誰,還要坐一輩子的牢?

*******************************

我并不認(rèn)為Ted關(guān)于現(xiàn)代科技的想法是什么深刻洞見,我甚至不覺得它新鮮:

“科技成為了事實(shí)上的控制者,它迫著人們一刻不停地追求更快的車,更高的樓,更強(qiáng)大的電腦,更聰明的電話;如果這一切的初衷是為了更好的生活,那它也早已偏離了那個(gè)軌道,成了人們糾結(jié)、紛爭、身不由己的源泉。人,成了機(jī)器的奴隸”。所以,“科技社會本質(zhì)上是反自由的,要想重新獲得自由,必須毀掉科技,回到更原始、更本真的生活形態(tài)里去”。

然而“更原始、更本真”的田園生活,真的美好過嗎?日出而作,日入而息,一年的辛苦,可能僅能溫飽,最大的奢望,不過風(fēng)調(diào)雨順;孩子不一定生得下來,生下來很可能養(yǎng)不大;生了病基本看命,再富貴的大人物也未必有的救;遇到災(zāi)年離亂,易子而食不是一種修辭。就算一切太平和順,一直被生存壓得透不過氣的人,連一件衣服都要自己種棉、收棉、脫籽、紡紗、織布、染色、漿洗、裁縫才能上身的人,就“自由”了?就擺脫奴役了?

“沒有科技的美好生活”不過現(xiàn)代人自帶濾鏡的矯情想象。科技讓我們活下去的機(jī)會更大,成本更低,交流更容易,科技讓我們走得更遠(yuǎn),見得更多,視角更全面。更重要的,它使資源的利用效率更高,可供利用的資源更多,它使我們的獲得,不必以其他人的失去為代價(jià),使我們的自由,不必以對別人的奴役為前提。今天的任何一個(gè)城里的普通人,在物質(zhì)上的享受都不輸古代貴族,但我們?nèi)魏我粋€(gè)人的家里都沒有“下人”。今天我們不必再面對“讓兒子餓死還是讓母親餓死”的選擇——這個(gè)星球上依然每天都有人死于食物匱乏導(dǎo)致的營養(yǎng)不良,但那絕不是因?yàn)榭萍迹且驗(yàn)闆]有科技。

況且,就算要“回滾”到?jīng)]有科技主宰人類的幸福時(shí)光去,回到那一步算結(jié)束呢?消滅電子產(chǎn)品、消滅電氣機(jī)械、消滅蒸汽機(jī)、消滅鋤頭鐮刀這些鐵器、還是消滅馴化畜養(yǎng)和種植?打從樹上下來開始,人類哪一天、哪一步?jīng)]有技術(shù)的存在呢?Ted要宣布科技的罪狀,卻滑稽地選了郵政系統(tǒng)來作為恐怖襲擊的目標(biāo)——郵件的系統(tǒng)傳遞,難道不是在第一次工業(yè)革命以前就早已存在的?反對它,你到底是要說什么呢?還有,你在叢林木屋里的本真生活,卻也沒阻礙你騎一輛老舊的自行車,到鎮(zhèn)上讀幾書架的機(jī)器印刷出來的圖書——再老舊的自行車,難道是可以徒手造出來的?沒有科技,你一輩子接觸到的書,可能也沒有一個(gè)書架上陳列的那么多。

科技不是喪失自由的根由,人才是。

*******************************

Ted和Fitz共同恐懼的,是現(xiàn)代社會下人的異化。Fitz兩次描繪過他在深夜的十字路口等紅燈過去的體悟,路上一輛車也沒有,然而他依然機(jī)械地,順服地,停在路口等綠燈亮起。與其說這是科技對他做了什么,不如說是外來規(guī)則已經(jīng)內(nèi)化為行動(dòng)準(zhǔn)則;“合群”的壓力,塑造了一部分的他。

在最后一次談話中,F(xiàn)itz耐心地描摹了Ted以精神異常脫罪后的正常生活:“......他們會把你關(guān)到精神病院去,然后用那些“療法”——威脅、懲罰、獎(jiǎng)勵(lì),直到把你徹底治好??赡艿没ê枚嗄?,可你肯定會被“治好”的。你會變成“正?!比?,你會重新回到社會。你會有信用卡,公寓,衣柜里掛著商務(wù)休閑裝...你會有份坐辦公室的工作,朝九晚五,按部就班。拿到第一個(gè)月工資你會買部手機(jī),第二個(gè)月買臺電視,要是奢侈點(diǎn)再買部任天堂。你每天晚上躺在床上看電視直到睡著,每個(gè)周末去商場,逛逛電器城,心里琢磨著是現(xiàn)在換臺20英寸的好,還是再攢攢錢,換個(gè)更大的?...可能有人認(rèn)出你是Unabomber,你回答他‘是,我是,不過我那時(shí)腦子有病。我現(xiàn)在都治好了?!缓螅慊丶医又措娨暼チ?。你甚至記不起來你曾經(jīng)想要的東西,想說的話?!?

如果治好了的Ted再加把勁兒,憑借數(shù)學(xué)天分做個(gè)火箭科學(xué)家,把城里的小公寓換成郊區(qū)的大房子,娶個(gè)金發(fā)的trophy太太,生兩個(gè)孩子,大的是兒子,小的是女兒,養(yǎng)了條名叫fluffy的狗,兩部車,一部福特sedan,一部SUV,周六除草,周日上教堂,每年旅行兩次,一次去滑雪,一次去海邊。咦,好像這叫“美國夢”來著。

這是真正捆住我們的東西。高度的分工使人退化為大機(jī)器上的小零件——我不是在說流水線上的產(chǎn)業(yè)工人,我是在說格子間里的你、在7-11排隊(duì)的你,我也是在說觥籌交錯(cuò)間的你、商務(wù)艙和五星酒店里的你。學(xué)會反思、總是發(fā)問的零部件,機(jī)器表示不太喜歡。所以,社會期待、群體壓力鑄好了模范,它以理所當(dāng)然的姿態(tài),告訴人們什么才是“幸?!钡?、“成功”的、“值得一活”的人生,人“應(yīng)該”喜歡什么,“應(yīng)該”厭棄什么。我是祖國一塊磚,哪里需要哪里搬,這不挺好么?

Fitz覺得不好。1997年的那條線上,F(xiàn)itz去找從前的合作伙伴、語言學(xué)女博士Janet,說出自己的糾結(jié)和痛苦:

Fitz:“我不知道從什么時(shí)候開始覺得這么...無力?!?/p>

Janet:“每個(gè)人都有這種感覺,每個(gè)人都有?!?/p>

Fitz:“如果每個(gè)人都是這種感覺,那我們做了什么嗎?什么都沒有。我們喜歡那種感覺,喜歡那種被困被束縛被打敗的感覺。也許自由比奴役更讓我們害怕?!?/p>

Janet:“事實(shí)就是我們什么都做不了,這就是生活,你只能忍下去,活下去?!?/p>

Fitz:“不,這不叫生活,這就是活著而已,這叫夢游??措娨?,吃垃圾食品,天天上班好為了誰去成就點(diǎn)什么。從來沒人做點(diǎn)什么,連試都不敢試,除了Ted。

Janet:“是!他試過,可是Fitz,他是Unabomber,他是個(gè)壞人?!?/p>

Fitz是憤怒而迷惑的,他不甘心做大機(jī)器上的一顆小螺釘。這不甘心趕著他從穿制服的小巡警變成聯(lián)邦調(diào)查局行為分析部的探員,趕著他幾乎是單槍匹馬地破了幾百人忙了好幾年的案子。他渴望名聲、榮譽(yù)、權(quán)力、尊重,他渴望一切世俗意義上的成功,為此不惜出賣尊敬他的伙伴,不惜利用Janet的好感。但他更害怕平庸,害怕“未經(jīng)審視的人生”,甚于害怕孤獨(dú)。他遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)近近目之所及的地方,只有Ted一個(gè)同伴。他抓住Unabomber是為了功成名就,但他同意去勸Ted認(rèn)罪低頭,是為了向同路的先行者、與整個(gè)現(xiàn)代社會作戰(zhàn)的堂吉訶德,求個(gè)輾轉(zhuǎn)反側(cè)、求而不得的答案。

Ted沒答案。他看對了問題,卻給錯(cuò)了解法。童年的創(chuàng)傷和性格的偏執(zhí),使他雖然敏銳地看到人的普遍工具化,以及由此帶來的消費(fèi)主義的泛濫、獨(dú)立思考的式微,卻給不出現(xiàn)實(shí)的解決辦法,只能歸咎于“機(jī)器”“科技”,只能主張人們都退出都市,退回山野叢林中去,鑿井而飲,耕田而食。他認(rèn)為這樣,被異化的人就能得救,被剝奪的自由就能取回。如果不行,“就算作為一個(gè)人死去,也好過當(dāng)一個(gè)機(jī)器上的齒輪茍且偷生?!?/p>

劇集的末尾,F(xiàn)itz又一次停在深夜的十字路口,在空無一人的大街上,等著紅燈過去。他沒找到他的答案,而且,他依然只有一個(gè)人。

*******************************

Ted和Fitz的孤獨(dú),其實(shí)并不難懂,也一點(diǎn)不少見。

有一個(gè)問題終極性地把人從“動(dòng)物”的類別里分離出來——“我想怎樣過完我的一生?” 而所謂“自由”,也許就是自己尋找問題答案的權(quán)力。

不是每個(gè)人都有這種“高級”的煩惱。但一旦開始想它,相信我,你就再也不能不想了。好消息是,清醒自覺地開始思考這個(gè)問題的那一刻起,你向“人”的進(jìn)化就已完成。壞消息是,這種自覺使你再不能容忍別的什么人把答案寫好硬塞給你,把劇本寫好要你照著演。Ted的反抗很激烈,他成了Unabomber;Fitz的反抗比較溫和,他離開了賢妻在懷、幼子繞膝的“完美”探員人生,一個(gè)人走進(jìn)了Ted同款小木屋。

在這個(gè)意義上,自由并不是一種blessing,“尋找自己的路”的定義,天然捆綁了“孤獨(dú)”?!白杂伞钡牡踉幵谟?,你一旦開始意識到它的存在——意識到你不必活成別人期待的樣子,意識到你只欠你自己一個(gè)人生——它就像個(gè)流氓軟件一樣再也刪不掉了,你無法回到“沒意識到”的狀態(tài)。對“醒”過來的人來說,“成功人生”是好的,但它必須是“我自己的選擇”。

Ted的弟弟說,哥哥在牢里呆著也許更好:一日三餐熱湯熱水,有人照顧,有人保護(hù),連牢房的尺寸都和哥哥的林中小屋差不多——他在那小屋里離群索居地過活,跟坐牢又有什么分別?

Ted說,如果世上真有種藥,吃下去就能把我變“正常”,讓我能不再想所有這些...問題,我想我可能真的選擇把它吞下去。不過,那必須是我的選擇。

“有什么分別”嗎?就是這個(gè)分別。

*******************************

不為了政治正確,有些話也不能省。Ted是天才,也經(jīng)歷了非常殘酷的對待,他有一切權(quán)利憤怒,但沒有任何權(quán)力遷怒;他有一切權(quán)利追尋自由,但沒有任何權(quán)力用暴力脅迫別人一起走;他一生呼號捍衛(wèi)“自由”,然而那些受害者的人生道路,難道不是被他強(qiáng)行截?cái)嗪透淖兊??奪走他們選擇自由的,難道不正是Ted自己?

Ted智力上很早就已成年,但他心智從未成熟:他仍然依靠哭鬧吸引父母的關(guān)注,只是哭鬧換成了郵件炸彈和恐怖威脅;他一直停步在“反叛”權(quán)威,像個(gè)青春期的熊孩子,好像社會什么樣,權(quán)威能說了算似的;他應(yīng)對成長的煩惱就一條——“我不長大了”,幻想著永遠(yuǎn)停留在小時(shí)候,沒有問題的、充滿安全感的小時(shí)候。人類從刀耕火種走到現(xiàn)代社會,這條路是回不了頭的。就像人總要長大變老死去,它也無人能夠阻擋。Ted聚焦在“發(fā)展”帶來的問題上——人的異化、機(jī)器對人的控制、戰(zhàn)爭、環(huán)境惡化,但他怎么能夠?qū)Πl(fā)展給人類福利帶來的巨大飛躍視而不見呢?有問題就一個(gè)一個(gè)解決,有危機(jī)就一個(gè)一個(gè)化解,這是成年人的思維方式?;孟胍粍谟酪萁鉀Q所有麻煩,Ted真的只是個(gè)缺愛的熊孩子。

 4 ) 《工業(yè)社會及其未來》完整版:全文引自華盛頓郵報(bào)

google到的,原文在華盛頓郵報(bào)官網(wǎng)。未及勘誤。

原文地址:INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY AND ITS FUTURE

The Unabomber Trial: The Manifesto
Editor's Note: This is the text of a 35,000-word manifesto as submitted to The Washington Post and the New York Times by the serial mail bomber called the Unabomber. The manifesto appeared in The Washington Post as an eight-page supplement that was not part of the news sections. This document contains corrections that appeared in the Friday, Sept. 22, 1995 editions of Washington Post. The text was sent in June, 1995 to The New York Times and The Washington Post by the person who calls himself 揊C,? identified by the FBI as the Unabomber, whom authorities have implicated in three murders and 16 bombings. The author threatened to send a bomb to an unspecified destination 搘ith intent to kill? unless one of the newspapers published this manuscript. The Attorney General and the Director of the FBI recommended publication.

Return to our special report.

        
INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY AND ITS FUTURE

Introduction

1. The Industrial Revolution and its consequences have been a disaster for the human race. They have greatly increased the life-expectancy of those of us who live in 揳dvanced? countries, but they have destabilized society, have made life unfulfilling, have subjected human beings to indignities, have led to widespread psychological suffering (in the Third World to physical suffering as well) and have inflicted severe damage on the natural world. The continued development of technology will worsen the situation. It will certainly subject human beings to greater indignities and inflict greater damage on the natural world, it will probably lead to greater social disruption and psychological suffering, and it may lead to increased physical suffering even in 揳dvanced? countries.

2. The industrial-technological system may survive or it may break down. If it survives, it MAY eventually achieve a low level of physical and psychological suffering, but only after passing through a long and very painful period of adjustment and only at the cost of permanently reducing human beings and many other living organisms to engineered products and mere cogs in the social machine. Furthermore, if the system survives, the consequences will be inevitable: There is no way of reforming or modifying the system so as to prevent it from depriving people of dignity and autonomy.

3. If the system breaks down the consequences will still be very painful. But the bigger the system grows the more disastrous the results of its breakdown will be, so if it is to break down it had best break down sooner rather than later.

4. We therefore advocate a revolution against the industrial system. This revolution may or may not make use of violence; it may be sudden or it may be a relatively gradual process spanning a few decades. We can抰 predict any of that. But we do outline in a very general way the measures that those who hate the industrial system should take in order to prepare the way for a revolution against that form of society. This is not to be a POLITICAL revolution. Its object will be to overthrow not governments but the economic and technological basis of the present society.

5. In this article we give attention to only some of the negative developments that have grown out of the industrial-technological system. Other such developments we mention only briefly or ignore altogether. This does not mean that we regard these other developments as unimportant. For practical reasons we have to confine our discussion to areas that have received insufficient public attention or in which we have something new to say. For example, since there are well-developed environmental and wilderness movements, we have written very little about environmental degradation or the destruction of wild nature, even though we consider these to be highly important.

THE PSYCHOLOGY OF MODERN LEFTISM

6. Almost everyone will agree that we live in a deeply troubled society. One of the most widespread manifestations of the craziness of our world is leftism, so a discussion of the psychology of leftism can serve as an introduction to the discussion of the problems of modern society in general.

7. But what is leftism? During the first half of the 20th century leftism could have been practically identified with socialism. Today the movement is fragmented and it is not clear who can properly be called a leftist. When we speak of leftists in this article we have in mind mainly socialists, collectivists, 損olitically correct? types, feminists, gay and disability activists, animal rights activists and the like. But not everyone who is associated with one of these movements is a leftist. What we are trying to get at in discussing leftism is not so much movement or an ideology as a psychological type, or rather a collection of related types. Thus, what we mean by 搇eftism? will emerge more clearly in the course of our discussion of leftist psychology. (Also, see paragraphs 227-230.)

8. Even so, our conception of leftism will remain a good deal less clear than we would wish, but there doesn抰 seem to be any remedy for this. All we are trying to do here is indicate in a rough and approximate way the two psychological tendencies that we believe are the main driving force of modern leftism. We by no means claim to be telling the WHOLE truth about leftist psychology. Also, our discussion is meant to apply to modern leftism only. We leave open the question of the extent to which our discussion could be applied to the leftists of the 19th and early 20th centuries.

9. The two psychological tendencies that underlie modern leftism we call 揻eelings of inferiority? and 搊versocialization.? Feelings of inferiority are characteristic of modern leftism as a whole, while oversocialization is characteristic only of a certain segment of modern leftism; but this segment is highly influential.

FEELINGS OF INFERIORITY

10. By 揻eelings of inferiority? we mean not only inferiority feelings in the strict sense but a whole spectrum of related traits; low self-esteem, feelings of powerlessness, depressive tendencies, defeatism, guilt, self- hatred, etc. We argue that modern leftists tend to have some such feelings (possibly more or less repressed) and that these feelings are decisive in determining the direction of modern leftism.

11. When someone interprets as derogatory almost anything that is said about him (or about groups with whom he identifies) we conclude that he has inferiority feelings or low self-esteem. This tendency is pronounced among minority rights activists, whether or not they belong to the minority groups whose rights they defend. They are hypersensitive about the words used to designate minorities and about anything that is said concerning minorities. The terms 搉egro,? 搊riental,? 揾andicapped? or 揷hick? for an African, an Asian, a disabled person or a woman originally had no derogatory connotation. 揃road? and 揷hick? were merely the feminine equivalents of 揼uy,? 揹ude? or 揻ellow.? The negative connotations have been attached to these terms by the activists themselves. Some animal rights activists have gone so far as to reject the word 損et? and insist on its replacement by 揳nimal companion.? Leftish anthropologists go to great lengths to avoid saying anything about primitive peoples that could conceivably be interpreted as negative. They want to replace the world 損rimitive? by 搉onliterate.? They seem almost paranoid about anything that might suggest that any primitive culture is inferior to our own. (We do not mean to imply that primitive cultures ARE inferior to ours. We merely point out the hypersensitivity of leftish anthropologists.)

12. Those who are most sensitive about 損olitically incorrect? terminology are not the average black ghetto- dweller, Asian immigrant, abused woman or disabled person, but a minority of activists, many of whom do not even belong to any 搊ppressed? group but come from privileged strata of society. Political correctness has its stronghold among university professors, who have secure employment with comfortable salaries, and the majority of whom are heterosexual white males from middle- to upper-middle-class families.

13. Many leftists have an intense identification with the problems of groups that have an image of being weak (women), defeated (American Indians), repellent (homosexuals) or otherwise inferior. The leftists themselves feel that these groups are inferior. They would never admit to themselves that they have such feelings, but it is precisely because they do see these groups as inferior that they identify with their problems. (We do not mean to suggest that women, Indians, etc. ARE inferior; we are only making a point about leftist psychology.)

14. Feminists are desperately anxious to prove that women are as strong and as capable as men. Clearly they are nagged by a fear that women may NOT be as strong and as capable as men.

15. Leftists tend to hate anything that has an image of being strong, good and successful. They hate America, they hate Western civilization, they hate white males, they hate rationality. The reasons that leftists give for hating the West, etc. clearly do not correspond with their real motives. They SAY they hate the West because it is warlike, imperialistic, sexist, ethnocentric and so forth, but where these same faults appear in socialist countries or in primitive cultures, the leftist finds excuses for them, or at best he GRUDGINGLY admits that they exist; whereas he ENTHUSIASTICALLY points out (and often greatly exaggerates) these faults where they appear in Western civilization. Thus it is clear that these faults are not the leftist抯 real motive for hating America and the West. He hates America and the West because they are strong and successful.

16. Words like 搒elf-confidence,? 搒elf-reliance,? 搃nitiative,? 揺nterprise,? 搊ptimism,? etc., play little role in the liberal and leftist vocabulary. The leftist is anti-individualistic, pro-collectivist. He wants society to solve everyone抯 problems for them, satisfy everyone抯 needs for them, take care of them. He is not the sort of person who has an inner sense of confidence in his ability to solve his own problems and satisfy his own needs. The leftist is antagonistic to the concept of competition because, deep inside, he feels like a loser.

17. Art forms that appeal to modern leftish intellectuals tend to focus on sordidness, defeat and despair, or else they take an orgiastic tone, throwing off rational control as if there were no hope of accomplishing anything through rational calculation and all that was left was to immerse oneself in the sensations of the moment.

18. Modern leftish philosophers tend to dismiss reason, science, objective reality and to insist that everything is culturally relative. It is true that one can ask serious questions about the foundations of scientific knowledge and about how, if at all, the concept of objective reality can be defined. But it is obvious that modern leftish philosophers are not simply cool-headed logicians systematically analyzing the foundations of knowledge. They are deeply involved emotionally in their attack on truth and reality. They attack these concepts because of their own psychological needs. For one thing, their attack is an outlet for hostility, and, to the extent that it is successful, it satisfies the drive for power. More importantly, the leftist hates science and rationality because they classify certain beliefs as true (i.e., successful, superior) and other beliefs as false (i.e., failed, inferior). The leftist抯 feelings of inferiority run so deep that he cannot tolerate any classification of some things as successful or superior and other things as failed or inferior. This also underlies the rejection by many leftists of the concept of mental illness and of the utility of IQ tests. Leftists are antagonistic to genetic explanations of human abilities or behavior because such explanations tend to make some persons appear superior or inferior to others. Leftists prefer to give society the credit or blame for an individual抯 ability or lack of it. Thus if a person is 搃nferior? it is not his fault, but society抯, because he has not been brought up properly.

19. The leftist is not typically the kind of person whose feelings of inferiority make him a braggart, an egotist, a bully, a self-promoter, a ruthless competitor. This kind of person has not wholly lost faith in himself. He has a deficit in his sense of power and self-worth, but he can still conceive of himself as having the capacity to be strong, and his efforts to make himself strong produce his unpleasant behavior. [1] But the leftist is too far gone for that. His feelings of inferiority are so ingrained that he cannot conceive of himself as individually strong and valuable. Hence the collectivism of the leftist. He can feel strong only as a member of a large organization or a mass movement with which he identifies himself.

20. Notice the masochistic tendency of leftist tactics. Leftists protest by lying down in front of vehicles, they intentionally provoke police or racists to abuse them, etc. These tactics may often be effective, but many leftists use them not as a means to an end but because they PREFER masochistic tactics. Self-hatred is a leftist trait.

21. Leftists may claim that their activism is motivated by compassion or by moral principles, and moral principle does play a role for the leftist of the oversocialized type. But compassion and moral principle cannot be the main motives for leftist activism. Hostility is too prominent a component of leftist behavior; so is the drive for power. Moreover, much leftist behavior is not rationally calculated to be of benefit to the people whom the leftists claim to be trying to help. For example, if one believes that affirmative action is good for black people, does it make sense to demand affirmative action in hostile or dogmatic terms? Obviously it would be more productive to take a diplomatic and conciliatory approach that would make at least verbal and symbolic concessions to white people who think that affirmative action discriminates against them. But leftist activists do not take such an approach because it would not satisfy their emotional needs. Helping black people is not their real goal. Instead, race problems serve as an excuse for them to express their own hostility and frustrated need for power. In doing so they actually harm black people, because the activists? hostile attitude toward the white majority tends to intensify race hatred.

22. If our society had no social problems at all, the leftists would have to INVENT problems in order to provide themselves with an excuse for making a fuss.

23. We emphasize that the foregoing does not pretend to be an accurate description of everyone who might be considered a leftist. It is only a rough indication of a general tendency of leftism.

OVERSOCIALIZATION

24. Psychologists use the term 搒ocialization? to designate the process by which children are trained to think and act as society demands. A person is said to be well socialized if he believes in and obeys the moral code of his society and fits in well as a functioning part of that society. It may seem senseless to say that many leftists are oversocialized, since the leftist is perceived as a rebel. Nevertheless, the position can be defended. Many leftists are not such rebels as they seem.

25. The moral code of our society is so demanding that no one can think, feel and act in a completely moral way. For example, we are not supposed to hate anyone, yet almost everyone hates somebody at some time or other, whether he admits it to himself or not. Some people are so highly socialized that the attempt to think, feel and act morally imposes a severe burden on them. In order to avoid feelings of guilt, they continually have to deceive themselves about their own motives and find moral explanations for feelings and actions that in reality have a non-moral origin. We use the term 搊versocialized? to describe such people. [2]

26. Oversocialization can lead to low self-esteem, a sense of powerlessness, defeatism, guilt, etc. One of the most important means by which our society socializes children is by making them feel ashamed of behavior or speech that is contrary to society抯 expectations. If this is overdone, or if a particular child is especially susceptible to such feelings, he ends by feeling ashamed of HIMSELF. Moreover the thought and the behavior of the oversocialized person are more restricted by society抯 expectations than are those of the lightly socialized person. The majority of people engage in a significant amount of naughty behavior. They lie, they commit petty thefts, they break traffic laws, they goof off at work, they hate someone, they say spiteful things or they use some underhanded trick to get ahead of the other guy. The oversocialized person cannot do these things, or if he does do them he generates in himself a sense of shame and self-hatred. The oversocialized person cannot even experience, without guilt, thoughts or feelings that are contrary to the accepted morality; he cannot think 搖nclean? thoughts. And socialization is not just a matter of morality; we are socialized to conform to many norms of behavior that do not fall under the heading of morality. Thus the oversocialized person is kept on a psychological leash and spends his life running on rails that society has laid down for him. In many oversocialized people this results in a sense of constraint and powerlessness that can be a severe hardship. We suggest that oversocialization is among the more serious cruelties that human beings inflict on one another.

27. We argue that a very important and influential segment of the modern left is oversocialized and that their oversocialization is of great importance in determining the direction of modern leftism. Leftists of the oversocialized type tend to be intellectuals or members of the upper-middle class. Notice that university intellectuals [3] constitute the most highly socialized segment of our society and also the most left-wing segment.

28. The leftist of the oversocialized type tries to get off his psychological leash and assert his autonomy by rebelling. But usually he is not strong enough to rebel against the most basic values of society. Generally speaking, the goals of today抯 leftists are NOT in conflict with the accepted morality. On the contrary, the left takes an accepted moral principle, adopts it as its own, and then accuses mainstream society of violating that principle. Examples: racial equality, equality of the sexes, helping poor people, peace as opposed to war, nonviolence generally, freedom of expression, kindness to animals. More fundamentally, the duty of the individual to serve society and the duty of society to take care of the individual. All these have been deeply rooted values of our society (or at least of its middle and upper classes [4] for a long time. These values are explicitly or implicitly expressed or presupposed in most of the material presented to us by the mainstream communications media and the educational system. Leftists, especially those of the oversocialized type, usually do not rebel against these principles but justify their hostility to society by claiming (with some degree of truth) that society is not living up to these principles.

29. Here is an illustration of the way in which the oversocialized leftist shows his real attachment to the conventional attitudes of our society while pretending to be in rebellion against it. Many leftists push for affirmative action, for moving black people into high-prestige jobs, for improved education in black schools and more money for such schools; the way of life of the black 搖nderclass? they regard as a social disgrace. They want to integrate the black man into the system, make him a business executive, a lawyer, a scientist just like upper-middle-class white people. The leftists will reply that the last thing they want is to make the black man into a copy of the white man; instead, they want to preserve African American culture. But in what does this preservation of African American culture consist? It can hardly consist in anything more than eating black-style food, listening to black-style music, wearing black-style clothing and going to a black- style church or mosque. In other words, it can express itself only in superficial matters. In all ESSENTIAL respects most leftists of the oversocialized type want to make the black man conform to white, middle-class ideals. They want to make him study technical subjects, become an executive or a scientist, spend his life climbing the status ladder to prove that black people are as good as white. They want to make black fathers 搑esponsible,? they want black gangs to become nonviolent, etc. But these are exactly the values of the industrial-technological system. The system couldn抰 care less what kind of music a man listens to, what kind of clothes he wears or what religion he believes in as long as he studies in school, holds a respectable job, climbs the status ladder, is a 搑esponsible? parent, is nonviolent and so forth. In effect, however much he may deny it, the oversocialized leftist wants to integrate the black man into the system and make him adopt its values.

30. We certainly do not claim that leftists, even of the oversocialized type, NEVER rebel against the fundamental values of our society. Clearly they sometimes do. Some oversocialized leftists have gone so far as to rebel against one of modern society抯 most important principles by engaging in physical violence. By their own account, violence is for them a form of 搇iberation.? In other words, by committing violence they break through the psychological restraints that have been trained into them. Because they are oversocialized these restraints have been more confining for them than for others; hence their need to break free of them. But they usually justify their rebellion in terms of mainstream values. If they engage in violence they claim to be fighting against racism or the like.

31. We realize that many objections could be raised to the foregoing thumbnail sketch of leftist psychology. The real situation is complex, and anything like a complete description of it would take several volumes even if the necessary data were available. We claim only to have indicated very roughly the two most important tendencies in the psychology of modern leftism.

32. The problems of the leftist are indicative of the problems of our society as a whole. Low self-esteem, depressive tendencies and defeatism are not restricted to the left. Though they are especially noticeable in the left, they are widespread in our society. And today抯 society tries to socialize us to a greater extent than any previous society. We are even told by experts how to eat, how to exercise, how to make love, how to raise our kids and so forth.

THE POWER PROCESS

33. Human beings have a need (probably based in biology) for something that we will call the 損ower process.? This is closely related to the need for power (which is widely recognized) but is not quite the same thing. The power process has four elements. The three most clear-cut of these we call goal, effort and attainment of goal. (Everyone needs to have goals whose attainment requires effort, and needs to succeed in attaining at least some of his goals.) The fourth element is more difficult to define and may not be necessary for everyone. We call it autonomy and will discuss it later (paragraphs 42-44).

34. Consider the hypothetical case of a man who can have anything he wants just by wishing for it. Such a man has power, but he will develop serious psychological problems. At first he will have a lot of fun, but by and by he will become acutely bored and demoralized. Eventually he may become clinically depressed. History shows that leisured aristocracies tend to become decadent. This is not true of fighting aristocracies that have to struggle to maintain their power. But leisured, secure aristocracies that have no need to exert themselves usually become bored, hedonistic and demoralized, even though they have power. This shows that power is not enough. One must have goals toward which to exercise one抯 power.

35. Everyone has goals; if nothing else, to obtain the physical necessities of life: food, water and whatever clothing and shelter are made necessary by the climate. But the leisured aristocrat obtains these things without effort. Hence his boredom and demoralization.

36. Nonattainment of important goals results in death if the goals are physical necessities, and in frustration if nonattainment of the goals is compatible with survival. Consistent failure to attain goals throughout life results in defeatism, low self-esteem or depression.

37, Thus, in order to avoid serious psychological problems, a human being needs goals whose attainment requires effort, and he must have a reasonable rate of success in attaining his goals.

SURROGATE ACTIVITIES

38. But not every leisured aristocrat becomes bored and demoralized. For example, the emperor Hirohito, instead of sinking into decadent hedonism, devoted himself to marine biology, a field in which he became distinguished. When people do not have to exert themselves to satisfy their physical needs they often set up artificial goals for themselves. In many cases they then pursue these goals with the same energy and emotional involvement that they otherwise would have put into the search for physical necessities. Thus the aristocrats of the Roman Empire had their literary pretensions; many European aristocrats a few centuries ago invested tremendous time and energy in hunting, though they certainly didn抰 need the meat; other aristocracies have competed for status through elaborate displays of wealth; and a few aristocrats, like Hirohito, have turned to science.

39. We use the term 搒urrogate activity? to designate an activity that is directed toward an artificial goal that people set up for themselves merely in order to have some goal to work toward, or let us say, merely for the sake of the 揻ulfillment? that they get from pursuing the goal. Here is a rule of thumb for the identification of surrogate activities. Given a person who devotes much time and energy to the pursuit of goal X, ask yourself this: If he had to devote most of his time and energy to satisfying his biological needs, and if that effort required him to use his physical and mental faculties in a varied and interesting way, would he feel seriously deprived because he did not attain goal X? If the answer is no, then the person抯 pursuit of goal X is a surrogate activity. Hirohito抯 studies in marine biology clearly constituted a surrogate activity, since it is pretty certain that if Hirohito had had to spend his time working at interesting non-scientific tasks in order to obtain the necessities of life, he would not have felt deprived because he didn抰 know all about the anatomy and life-cycles of marine animals. On the other hand the pursuit of sex and love (for example) is not a surrogate activity, because most people, even if their existence were otherwise satisfactory, would feel deprived if they passed their lives without ever having a relationship with a member of the opposite sex. (But pursuit of an excessive amount of sex, more than one really needs, can be a surrogate activity.)

40. In modern industrial society only minimal effort is necessary to satisfy one抯 physical needs. It is enough to go through a training program to acquire some petty technical skill, then come to work on time and exert the very modest effort needed to hold a job. The only requirements are a moderate amount of intelligence and, most of all, simple OBEDIENCE. If one has those, society takes care of one from cradle to grave. (Yes, there is an underclass that cannot take the physical necessities for granted, but we are speaking here of mainstream society.) Thus it is not surprising that modern society is full of surrogate activities. These include scientific work, athletic achievement, humanitarian work, artistic and literary creation, climbing the corporate ladder, acquisition of money and material goods far beyond the point at which they cease to give any additional physical satisfaction, and social activism when it addresses issues that are not important for the activist personally, as in the case of white activists who work for the rights of nonwhite minorities. These are not always PURE surrogate activities, since for many people they may be motivated in part by needs other than the need to have some goal to pursue. Scientific work may be motivated in part by a drive for prestige, artistic creation by a need to express feelings, militant social activism by hostility. But for most people who pursue them, these activities are in large part surrogate activities. For example, the majority of scientists will probably agree that the 揻ulfillment? they get from their work is more important than the money and prestige they earn.

41. For many if not most people, surrogate activities are less satisfying than the pursuit of real goals (that is, goals that people would want to attain even if their need for the power process were already fulfilled). One indication of this is the fact that, in many or most cases, people who are deeply involved in surrogate activities are never satisfied, never at rest. Thus the money-maker constantly strives for more and more wealth. The scientist no sooner solves one problem than he moves on to the next. The long-distance runner drives himself to run always farther and faster. Many people who pursue surrogate activities will say that they get far more fulfillment from these activities than they do from the 搈undane? business of satisfying their biological needs, but that is because in our society the effort needed to satisfy the biological needs has been reduced to triviality. More importantly, in our society people do not satisfy their biological needs AUTONOMOUSLY but by functioning as parts of an immense social machine. In contrast, people generally have a great deal of autonomy in pursuing their surrogate activities.

AUTONOMY

42. Autonomy as a part of the power process may not be necessary for every individual. But most people need a greater or lesser degree of autonomy in working toward their goals. Their efforts must be undertaken on their own initiative and must be under their own direction and control. Yet most people do not have to exert this initiative, direction and control as single individuals. It is usually enough to act as a member of a SMALL group. Thus if half a dozen people discuss a goal among themselves and make a successful joint effort to attain that goal, their need for the power process will be served. But if they work under rigid orders handed down from above that leave them no room for autonomous decision and initiative, then their need for the power process will not be served. The same is true when decisions are made on a collective basis if the group making the collective decision is so large that the role of each individual is insignificant. [5]

43. It is true that some individuals seem to have little need for autonomy. Either their drive for power is weak or they satisfy it by identifying themselves with some powerful organization to which they belong. And then there are unthinking, animal types who seem to be satisfied with a purely physical sense of power (the good combat soldier, who gets his sense of power by developing fighting skills that he is quite content to use in blind obedience to his superiors).

44. But for most people it is through the power process梙aving a goal, making an AUTONOMOUS effort and attaining the goal梩hat self-esteem, self-confidence and a sense of power are acquired. When one does not have adequate opportunity to go through the power process the consequences are (depending on the individual and on the way the power process is disrupted) boredom, demoralization, low self-esteem, inferiority feelings, defeatism, depression, anxiety, guilt, frustration, hostility, spouse or child abuse, insatiable hedonism, abnormal sexual behavior, sleep disorders, eating disorders, etc. [6]

SOURCES OF SOCIAL PROBLEMS

45. Any of the foregoing symptoms can occur in any society, but in modern industrial society they are present on a massive scale. We aren抰 the first to mention that the world today seems to be going crazy. This sort of thing is not normal for human societies. There is good reason to believe that primitive man suffered from less stress and frustration and was better satisfied with his way of life than modern man is. It is true that not all was sweetness and light in primitive societies. Abuse of women was common among the Australian aborigines, transexuality was fairly common among some of the American Indian tribes. But it does appear that GENERALLY SPEAKING the kinds of problems that we have listed in the preceding paragraph were far less common among primitive peoples than they are in modern society.

46. We attribute the social and psychological problems of modern society to the fact that that society requires people to live under conditions radically different from those under which the human race evolved and to behave in ways that conflict with the patterns of behavior that the human race developed while living under the earlier conditions. It is clear from what we have already written that we consider lack of opportunity to properly experience the power process as the most important of the abnormal conditions to which modern society subjects people. But it is not the only one. Before dealing with disruption of the power process as a source of social problems we will discuss some of the other sources.

47. Among the abnormal conditions present in modern industrial society are excessive density of population, isolation of man from nature, excessive rapidity of social change and the breakdown of natural small-scale communities such as the extended family, the village or the tribe.

48. It is well known that crowding increases stress and aggression. The degree of crowding that exists today and the isolation of man from nature are consequences of technological progress. All pre-industrial societies were predominantly rural. The Industrial Revolution vastly increased the size of cities and the proportion of the population that lives in them, and modern agricultural technology has made it possible for the Earth to support a far denser population than it ever did before. (Also, technology exacerbates the effects of crowding because it puts increased disruptive powers in people抯 hands. For example, a variety of noise- making devices: power mowers, radios, motorcycles, etc. If the use of these devices is unrestricted, people who want peace and quiet are frustrated by the noise. If their use is restricted, people who use the devices are frustrated by the regulations. But if these machines had never been invented there would have been no conflict and no frustration generated by them.)

49. For primitive societies the natural world (which usually changes only slowly) provided a stable framework and therefore a sense of security. In the modern world it is human society that dominates nature rather than the other way around, and modern society changes very rapidly owing to technological change. Thus there is no stable framework.

50. The conservatives are fools: They whine about the decay of traditional values, yet they enthusiastically support technological progress and economic growth. Apparently it never occurs to them that you can抰 make rapid, drastic changes in the technology and the economy of a society without causing rapid changes in all other aspects of the society as well, and that such rapid changes inevitably break down traditional values.

51. The breakdown of traditional values to some extent implies the breakdown of the bonds that hold together traditional small-scale social groups. The disintegration of small-scale social groups is also promoted by the fact that modern conditions often require or tempt individuals to move to new locations, separating themselves from their communities. Beyond that, a technological society HAS TO weaken family ties and local communities if it is to function efficiently. In modern society an individual抯 loyalty must be first to the system and only secondarily to a small-scale community, because if the internal loyalties of small-scale communities were stronger than loyalty to the system, such communities would pursue their own advantage at the expense of the system.

52. Suppose that a public official or a corporation executive appoints his cousin, his friend or his co- religionist to a position rather than appointing the person best qualified for the job. He has permitted personal loyalty to supersede his loyalty to the system, and that is 搉epotism? or 揹iscrimination,? both of which are terrible sins in modern society. Would-be industrial societies that have done a poor job of subordinating personal or local loyalties to loyalty to the system are usually very inefficient. (Look at Latin America.) Thus an advanced industrial society can tolerate only those small-scale communities that are emasculated, tamed and made into tools of the system. [7]

53. Crowding, rapid change and the breakdown of communities have been widely recognized as sources of social problems. But we do not believe they are enough to account for the extent of the problems that are seen today.

54. A few pre-industrial cities were very large and crowded, yet their inhabitants do not seem to have suffered from psychological problems to the same extent as modern man. In America today there still are uncrowded rural areas, and we find there the same problems as in urban areas, though the problems tend to be less acute in the rural areas. Thus crowding does not seem to be the decisive factor.

55. On the growing edge of the American frontier during the 19th century, the mobility of the population probably broke down extended families and small-scale social groups to at least the same extent as these are broken down today. In fact, many nuclear families lived by choice in such isolation, having no neighbors within several miles, that they belonged to no community at all, yet they do not seem to have developed problems as a result.

56. Furthermore, change in American frontier society was very rapid and deep. A man might be born and raised in a log cabin, outside the reach of law and order and fed largely on wild meat; and by the time he arrived at old age he might be working at a regular job and living in an ordered community with effective law enforcement. This was a deeper change than that which typically occurs in the life of a modern individual, yet it does not seem to have led to psychological problems. In fact, 19th century American society had an optimistic and self-confident tone, quite unlike that of today抯 society. [8]

57. The difference, we argue, is that modern man has the sense (largely justified) that change is IMPOSED on him, whereas the 19th century frontiersman had the sense (also largely justified) that he created change himself, by his own choice. Thus a pioneer settled on a piece of land of his own choosing and made it into a farm through his own effort. In those days an entire county might have only a couple of hundred inhabitants and was a far more isolated and autonomous entity than a modern county is. Hence the pioneer farmer participated as a member of a relatively small group in the creation of a new, ordered community. One may well question whether the creation of this community was an improvement, but at any rate it satisfied the pioneer抯 need for the power process.

58. It would be possible to give other examples of societies in which there has been rapid change and/or lack of close community ties without the kind of massive behavioral aberration that is seen in today抯 industrial society. We contend that the most important cause of social and psychological problems in modern society is the fact that people have insufficient opportunity to go through the power process in a normal way. We don抰 mean to say that modern society is the only one in which the power process has been disrupted. Probably most if not all civilized societies have interfered with the power process to a greater or lesser extent. But in modern industrial society the problem has become particularly acute. Leftism, at least in its recent (mid- to late-20th century) form, is in part a symptom of deprivation with respect to the power process.

DISRUPTION OF THE POWER PROCESS IN MODERN SOCIETY

59. We divide human drives into three groups: (1) those drives that can be satisfied with minimal effort; (2) those that can be satisfied but only at the cost of serious effort; (3) those that cannot be adequately satisfied no matter how much effort one makes. The power process is the process of satisfying the drives of the second group. The more drives there are in the third group, the more there is frustration, anger, eventually defeatism, depression, etc.

60. In modern industrial society natural human drives tend to be pushed into the first and third groups, and the second group tends to consist increasingly of artificially created drives.

61. In primitive societies, physical necessities generally fall into group 2: They can be obtained, but only at the cost of serious effort. But modern society tends to guaranty the physical necessities to everyone [9] in exchange for only minimal effort, hence physical needs are pushed into group 1. (There may be disagreement about whether the effort needed to hold a job is 搈inimal?; but usually, in lower- to middle- level jobs, whatever effort is required is merely that of OBEDIENCE. You sit or stand where you are told to sit or stand and do what you are told to do in the way you are told to do it. Seldom do you have to exert yourself seriously, and in any case you have hardly any autonomy in work, so that the need for the power process is not well served.)

62. Social needs, such as sex, love and status, often remain in group 2 in modern society, depending on the situation of the individual. [10] But, except for people who have a particularly strong drive for status, the effort required to fulfill the social drives is insufficient to satisfy adequately the need for the power process.

63. So certain artificial needs have been created that fall into group 2, hence serve the need for the power process. Advertising and marketing techniques have been developed that make many people feel they need things that their grandparents never desired or even dreamed of. It requires serious effort to earn enough money to satisfy these artificial needs, hence they fall into group 2. (But see paragraphs 80-82.) Modern man must satisfy his need for the power process largely through pursuit of the artificial needs created by the advertising and marketing industry [11], and through surrogate activities.

64. It seems that for many people, maybe the majority, these artificial forms of the power process are insufficient. A theme that appears repeatedly in the writings of the social critics of the second half of the 20th century is the sense of purposelessness that afflicts many people in modern society. (This purposelessness is often called by other names such as 揳nomic? or 搈iddle-class vacuity.?) We suggest that the so-called 搃dentity crisis? is actually a search for a sense of purpose, often for commitment to a suitable surrogate activity. It may be that existentialism is in large part a response to the purposelessness of modern life. [12] Very widespread in modern society is the search for 揻ulfillment.? But we think that for the majority of people an activity whose main goal is fulfillment (that is, a surrogate activity) does not bring completely satisfactory fulfillment. In other words, it does not fully satisfy the need for the power process. (See paragraph 41.) That need can be fully satisfied only through activities that have some external goal, such as physical necessities, sex, love, status, revenge, etc.

65. Moreover, where goals are pursued through earning money, climbing the status ladder or functioning as part of the system in some other way, most people are not in a position to pursue their goals AUTONOMOUSLY. Most workers are someone else抯 employee and, as we pointed out in paragraph 61, must spend their days doing what they are told to do in the way they are told to do it. Even people who are in business for themselves have only limited autonomy. It is a chronic complaint of small-business persons and entrepreneurs that their hands are tied by excessive government regulation. Some of these regulations are doubtless unnecessary, but for the most part government regulations are essential and inevitable parts of our extremely complex society. A large portion of small business today operates on the franchise system. It was reported in the Wall Street Journal a few years ago that many of the franchise-granting companies require applicants for franchises to take a personality test that is designed to EXCLUDE those who have creativity and initiative, because such persons are not sufficiently docile to go along obediently with the franchise system. This excludes from small business many of the people who most need autonomy.

66. Today people live more by virtue of what the system does FOR them or TO them than by virtue of what they do for themselves. And what they do for themselves is done more and more along channels laid down by the system. Opportunities tend to be those that the system provides, the opportunities must be exploited in accord with rules and regulations [13], and techniques prescribed by experts must be followed if there is to be a chance of success.

67. Thus the power process is disrupted in our society through a deficiency of real goals and a deficiency of autonomy in the pursuit of goals. But it is also disrupted because of those human drives that fall into group 3: the drives that one cannot adequately satisfy no matter how much effort one makes. One of these drives is the need for security. Our lives depend on decisions made by other people; we have no control over these decisions and usually we do not even know the people who make them. (揥e live in a world in which relatively few people梞aybe 500 or 1,000梞ake the important decisions敆Philip B. Heymann of Harvard Law School, quoted by Anthony Lewis, New York Times, April 21, 1995.) Our lives depend on whether safety standards at a nuclear power plant are properly maintained; on how much pesticide is allowed to get into our food or how much pollution into our air; on how skillful (or incompetent) our doctor is; whether we lose or get a job may depend on decisions made by government economists or corporation executives; and so forth. Most individuals are not in a position to secure themselves against these threats to more [than] a very limited extent. The individual抯 search for security is therefore frustrated, which leads to a sense of powerlessness.

68. It may be objected that primitive man is physically less secure than modern man, as is shown by his shorter life expectancy; hence modern man suffers from less, not more than the amount of insecurity that is normal for human beings. But psychological security does not closely correspond with physical security. What makes us FEEL secure is not so much objective security as a sense of confidence in our ability to take care of ourselves. Primitive man, threatened by a fierce animal or by hunger, can fight in self-defense or travel in search of food. He has no certainty of success in these efforts, but he is by no means helpless against the things that threaten him. The modern individual on the other hand is threatened by many things against which he is helpless: nuclear accidents, carcinogens in food, environmental pollution, war, increasing taxes, invasion of his privacy by large organizations, nationwide social or economic phenomena that may disrupt his way of life.

69. It is true that primitive man is powerless against some of the things that threaten him; disease for example. But he can accept the risk of disease stoically. It is part of the nature of things, it is no one抯 fault, unless it is the fault of some imaginary, impersonal demon. But threats to the modern individual tend to be MAN-MADE. They are not the results of chance but are IMPOSED on him by other persons whose decisions he, as an individual, is unable to influence. Consequently he feels frustrated, humiliated and angry.

70. Thus primitive man for the most part has his security in his own hands (either as an individual or as a member of a SMALL group) whereas the security of modern man is in the hands of persons or organizations that are too remote or too large for him to be able personally to influence them. So modern man抯 drive for security tends to fall into groups 1 and 3; in some areas (food, shelter etc.) his security is assured at the cost of only trivial effort, whereas in other areas he CANNOT attain security. (The foregoing greatly simplifies the real situation, but it does indicate in a rough, general way how the condition of modern man differs from that of primitive man.)

71. People have many transitory drives or impulses that are necessarily frustrated in modern life, hence fall into group 3. One may become angry, but modern society cannot permit fighting. In many situations it does not even permit verbal aggression. When going somewhere one may be in a hurry, or one may be in a mood to travel slowly, but one generally has no choice but to move with the flow of traffic and obey the traffic signals. One may want to do one抯 work in a different way, but usually one can work only according to the rules laid down by one抯 employer. In many other ways as well, modern man is strapped down by a network of rules and regulations (explicit or implicit) that frustrate many of his impulses and thus interfere with the power process. Most of these regulations cannot be dispensed with, because they are necessary for the functioning of industrial society.

72. Modern society is in certain respects extremely permissive. In matters that are irrelevant to the functioning of the system we can generally do what we please. We can believe in any religion we like (as long as it does not encourage behavior that is dangerous to the system). We can go to bed with anyone we like (as long as we practice 搒afe sex?). We can do anything we like as long as it is UNIMPORTANT. But in all IMPORTANT matters the system tends increasingly to regulate our behavior.

73. Behavior is regulated not only through explicit rules and not only by the government. Control is often exercised through indirect coercion or through psychological pressure or manipulation, and by organizations other than the government, or by the system as a whole. Most large organizations use some form of propaganda [14] to manipulate public attitudes or behavior. Propaganda is not limited to 揷ommercials? and advertisements, and sometimes it is not even consciously intended as propaganda by the people who make it. For instance, the content of entertainment programming is a powerful form of propaganda. An example of indirect coercion: There is no law that says we have to go to work every day and follow our employer抯 orders. Legally there is nothing to prevent us from going to live in the wild like primitive people or from going into business for ourselves. But in practice there is very little wild country left, and there is room in the economy for only a limited number of small business owners. Hence most of us can survive only as someone else抯 employee.

74. We suggest that modern man抯 obsession with longevity, and with maintaining physical vigor and sexual attractiveness to an advanced age, is a symptom of unfulfillment resulting from deprivation with respect to the power process. The 搈id-life crisis? also is such a symptom. So is the lack of interest in having children that is fairly common in modern society but almost unheard-of in primitive societies.

75. In primitive societies life is a succession of stages. The needs and purposes of one stage having been fulfilled, there is no particular reluctance about passing on to the next stage. A young man goes through the power process by becoming a hunter, hunting not for sport or for fulfillment but to get meat that is necessary for food. (In young women the process is more complex, with greater emphasis on social power; we won抰 discuss that here.) This phase having been successfully passed through, the young man has no reluctance about settling down to the responsibilities of raising a family. (In contrast, some modern people indefinitely postpone having children because they are too busy seeking some kind of 揻ulfillment.? We suggest that the fulfillment they need is adequate experience of the power process梬ith real goals instead of the artificial goals of surrogate activities.) Again, having successfully raised his children, going through the power process by providing them with the physical necessities, the primitive man feels that his work is done and he is prepared to accept old age (if he survives that long) and death. Many modern people, on the other hand, are disturbed by the prospect of physical deterioration and death, as is shown by the amount of effort they expend trying to maintain their physical condition, appearance and health. We argue that this is due to unfulfillment resulting from the fact that they have never put their physical powers to any practical use, have never gone through the power process using their bodies in a serious way. It is not the primitive man, who has used his body daily for practical purposes, who fears the deterioration of age, but the modern man, who has never had a practical use for his body beyond walking from his car to his house. It is the man whose need for the power process has been satisfied during his life who is best prepared to accept the end of that life.

76. In response to the arguments of this section someone will say, 揝ociety must find a way to give people the opportunity to go through the power process.? For such people the value of the opportunity is destroyed by the very fact that society gives it to them. What they need is to find or make their own opportunities. As long as the system GIVES them their opportunities it still has them on a leash. To attain autonomy they must get off that leash.

HOW SOME PEOPLE ADJUST

77. Not everyone in industrial-technological society suffers from psychological problems. Some people even profess to be quite satisfied with society as it is. We now discuss some of the reasons why people differ so greatly in their response to modern society.

78. First, there doubtless are differences in the strength of the drive for power. Individuals with a weak drive for power may have relatively little need to go through the power process, or at least relatively little need for autonomy in the power process. These are docile types who would have been happy as plantation darkies in the Old South. (We don抰 mean to sneer at the 損lantation darkies? of the Old South. To their credit, most of the slaves were NOT content with their servitude. We do sneer at people who ARE content with servitude.)

79. Some people may have some exceptional drive, in pursuing which they satisfy their need for the power process. For example, those who have an unusually strong drive for social status may spend their whole lives climbing the status ladder without ever getting bored with that game.

80. People vary in their susceptibility to advertising and marketing techniques. Some are so susceptible that, even if they make a great deal of money, they cannot satisfy their constant craving for the the shiny new toys that the marketing industry dangles before their eyes. So they always feel hard-pressed financially even if their income is large, and their cravings are frustrated.

81. Some people have low susceptibility to advertising and marketing techniques. These are the people who aren抰 interested in money. Material acquisition does not serve their need for the power process.

82. People who have medium susceptibility to advertising and marketing techniques are able to earn enough money to satisfy their craving for goods and services, but only at the cost of serious effort (putting in overtime, taking a second job, earning promotions, etc.). Thus material acquisition serves their need for the power process. But it does not necessarily follow that their need is fully satisfied. They may have insufficient autonomy in the power process (their work may consist of following orders) and some of their drives may be frustrated (e.g., security, aggression). (We are guilty of oversimplification in paragraphs 80- 82 because we have assumed that the desire for material acquisition is entirely a creation of the advertising and marketing industry. Of course it抯 not that simple. [11]

83. Some people partly satisfy their need for power by identifying themselves with a powerful organization or mass movement. An individual lacking goals or power joins a movement or an organization, adopts its goals as his own, then works toward those goals. When some of the goals are attained, the individual, even though his personal efforts have played only an insignificant part in the attainment of the goals, feels (through his identification with the movement or organization) as if he had gone through the power process. This phenomenon was exploited by the fascists, nazis and communists. Our society uses it too, though less crudely. Example: Manuel Noriega was an irritant to the U.S. (goal: punish Noriega). The U.S. invaded Panama (effort) and punished Noriega (attainment of goal). Thus the U.S. went through the power process and many Americans, because of their identification with the U.S., experienced the power process vicariously. Hence the widespread public approval of the Panama invasion; it gave people a sense of power. [15] We see the same phenomenon in armies, corporations, political parties, humanitarian organizations, religious or ideological movements. In particular, leftist movements tend to attract people who are seeking to satisfy their need for power. But for most people identification with a large organization or a mass movement does not fully satisfy the need for power.

84. Another way in which people satisfy their need for the power process is through surrogate activities. As we explained in paragraphs 38-40, a surrogate activity is an activity that is directed toward an artificial goal that the individual pursues for the sake of the 揻ulfillment? that he gets from pursuing the goal, not because he needs to attain the goal itself. For instance, there is no practical motive for building enormous muscles, hitting a little ball into a hole or acquiring a complete series of postage stamps. Yet many people in our society devote themselves with passion to bodybuilding, golf or stamp-collecting. Some people are more 搊ther-directed? than others, and therefore will more readily attach importance to a surrogate activity simply because the people around them treat it as important or because society tells them it is important. That is why some people get very serious about essentially trivial activities such as sports, or bridge, or chess, or arcane scholarly pursuits, whereas others who are more clear-sighted never see these things as anything but the surrogate activities that they are, and consequently never attach enough importance to them to satisfy their need for the power process in that way. It only remains to point out that in many cases a person抯 way of earning a living is also a surrogate activity. Not a PURE surrogate activity, since part of the motive for the activity is to gain the physical necessities and (for some people) social status and the luxuries that advertising makes them want. But many people put into their work far more effort than is necessary to earn whatever money and status they require, and this extra effort constitutes a surrogate activity. This extra effort, together with the emotional investment that accompanies it, is one of the most potent forces acting toward the continual development and perfecting of the system, with negative consequences for individual freedom (see paragraph 131). Especially, for the most creative scientists and engineers, work tends to be largely a surrogate activity. This point is so important that it deserves a separate discussion, which we shall give in a moment (paragraphs 87-92).

85. In this section we have explained how many people in modern society do satisfy their need for the power process to a greater or lesser extent. But we think that for the majority of people the need for the power process is not fully satisfied. In the first place, those who have an insatiable drive for status, or who get firmly 揾ooked? on a surrogate activity, or who identify strongly enough with a movement or organization to satisfy their need for power in that way, are exceptional personalities. Others are not fully satisfied with surrogate activities or by identification with an organization (see paragraphs 41, 64). In the second place, too much control is imposed by the system through explicit regulation or through socialization, which results in a deficiency of autonomy, and in frustration due to the impossibility of attaining certain goals and the necessity of restraining too many impulses.

86. But even if most people in industrial-technological society were well satisfied, we (FC) would still be opposed to that form of society, because (among other reasons) we consider it demeaning to fulfill one抯 need for the power process through surrogate activities or through identification with an organization, rather than through pursuit of real goals.

THE MOTIVES OF SCIENTISTS

87. Science and technology provide the most important examples of surrogate activities. Some scientists claim that they are motivated by 揷uriosity? or by a desire to 揵enefit humanity.? But it is easy to see that neither of these can be the principal motive of most scientists. As for 揷uriosity,? that notion is simply absurd. Most scientists work on highly specialized problems that are not the object of any normal curiosity. For example, is an astronomer, a mathematician or an entomologist curious about the properties of isopropyltrimethylmethane? Of course not. Only a chemist is curious about such a thing, and he is curious about it only because chemistry is his surrogate activity. Is the chemist curious about the appropriate classification of a new species of beetle? No. That question is of interest only to the entomologist, and he is interested in it only because entomology is his surrogate activity. If the chemist and the entomologist had to exert themselves seriously to obtain the physical necessities, and if that effort exercised their abilities in an interesting way but in some nonscientific pursuit, then they wouldn抰 give a damn about isopropyltrimethylmethane or the classification of beetles. Suppose that lack of funds for postgraduate education had led the chemist to become an insurance broker instead of a chemist. In that case he would have been very interested in insurance matters but would have cared nothing about isopropyltrimethylmethane. In any case it is not normal to put into the satisfaction of mere curiosity the amount of time and effort that scientists put into their work. The 揷uriosity? explanation for the scientists? motive just doesn抰 stand up.

88. The 揵enefit of humanity? explanation doesn抰 work any better. Some scientific work has no conceivable relation to the welfare of the human race梞ost of archaeology or comparative linguistics for example. Some other areas of science present obviously dangerous possibilities. Yet scientists in these areas are just as enthusiastic about their work as those who develop v

 5 ) E08:A Big Win?(Finale觀后更)

Discovery這算是緊跟國家地理頻道的步伐嘛~~~ 這部基于真實(shí)案件改編的新劇采用雙時(shí)間線的推進(jìn)形式,冷靜地還原這段塵封歷史: A)1995年,校航炸彈客案件重啟2年之時(shí),做了10年巡警的菲茨剛成為FBI側(cè)寫員,炸彈客是其參與的第一個(gè)案子; B)1997年,菲茨已經(jīng)隱居山野不問江湖,但炸彈客卡欽斯基被捕入獄后,要求只與通過“語言鑒證學(xué)”追捕自己的菲茨見面,F(xiàn)BI高層想借菲茨拿到卡的認(rèn)罪書。


E08 A :Big Win? 期待中的雙男主法庭斗智沒有上演,這部劇挺有意思,套路有,反套路也有。 這場針對卡欽斯基的預(yù)審,卡反而不是主角,決定他性命的是輿論、法官、卡的律師。輿論絕不希望卡逍遙法外,法官希望保住自己的職業(yè)生涯,卡欽斯基的律師希望保住卡的性命,站在各自立場都沒毛病。 當(dāng)然,不得不說到菲茨,在這一過程中終于進(jìn)化成功,找對了卡欽斯基的命門:他不怕死,不怕終身監(jiān)禁,但無法接受以自己精神失常為辯護(hù)理由,無法忍受自己變成他所鄙夷的庸俗之輩一樣。所以當(dāng)菲茨帶他到自己的木屋前,告知卡的律師已然背叛他,并向他描繪精神失常者受治療的日常,以及“正常化”回歸社會后的日常,你能感覺到志得意滿的卡欽斯基的安全圈不斷縮小,不斷退卻,一直退入自己的木屋,最后的庇護(hù)所。這一次對談很重要,因?yàn)榇藭r(shí)卡的心理防線已經(jīng)開始崩塌, 菲茨還說對了一件事,就是卡欽斯基對于世界的理解很深刻,可是對于人的判斷卻總是錯(cuò)誤: 這回首當(dāng)其沖是他的律師,這位律師也算是人際關(guān)系操縱高手了,可參見她每次為卡帶來的巧克力,東西不貴重,但勝在投其所好,并且強(qiáng)調(diào)我可是每次冒了風(fēng)險(xiǎn)偷帶進(jìn)來的哦;我和你是一國的哦,我在看了你的生平后更加深刻理解你了云云。大約卡的生平遇見的“理解”遇見的友善實(shí)在太少了,在這樣的糖衣炮彈下,卡漸漸走入迷魂陣,在沒有察覺的情況下被律師擺了一道。 另外一點(diǎn),卡欽斯基信心滿滿地希望用制度漏洞擊敗制度,但他漏算了一點(diǎn),就是1995年辛普森一案判決對于美利堅(jiān)的余威猶在??J斯基一案的主審法官誓要與伊藤劃清界限,因而先是駁回卡提出的質(zhì)疑搜查令的動(dòng)議,其次拒絕卡提出換律師的申請,或者配合律師以精神失常為辯護(hù)理由走完庭審程序,或者去精神病院待一段時(shí)間證明自己沒瘋??ㄓ忠淮胃械搅私^望,他希望自我了結(jié)卻被救下,所以只剩下一條路直接認(rèn)罪避免庭審,勉強(qiáng)保住了宣言這份遺產(chǎn),他最后在庭上的發(fā)言簡直連不成句。 這是一場勝利,嗎? 從FBI角度看,簡直是大勝,完美,Don和幾個(gè)主理人都得以再度走上康莊大道; 從法官角度看,職業(yè)生涯沒有因此沾上黑點(diǎn),平安度過; 從卡欽斯基的律師看,她保住了卡的性命,目標(biāo)達(dá)成; 從受害人家屬看,生活不可能回到從前,但卡沒有逃脫制裁是一點(diǎn)安慰,家屬在庭上的陳詞很有力度,我記得有一句說給卡的:“愿你的死和你的生一樣,孤獨(dú)一人”; 那么菲茨呢?菲茨因?yàn)榭ǖ恼J(rèn)罪,重回FBI核心圈,可以參見之前他庭審的座位以及最后一次的座位,F(xiàn)BI的大佬握著他得手保證今后菲茨的職業(yè)道路將一帆風(fēng)順,菲茨的臉上卻看不到表情。他的眼睛始終盯著卡欽斯基,隔著鐵絲網(wǎng)那段凝望簡直了。 到最后這件案子也徹底改變了菲茨,從此他看到信號燈就會有異樣情緒產(chǎn)生,他也不想當(dāng)綿羊,然后也不得不壓抑這些,偽裝成一只綿羊活著吧。


E06-E07 :The Cabin E07結(jié)尾很妙,菲茨走進(jìn)了卡欽斯基建造的小木屋,關(guān)上了門,一如曾經(jīng)的卡欽斯基一般隔絕了世間。 這兩集都在具體揭示哪些人哪些事將卡欽斯基和菲茨推進(jìn)了小木屋,E06講卡欽斯基,E07講菲茨。 E06看完五味雜陳,卡欽斯基選擇成為炸彈客主要原因還是在他自己,但一個(gè)人不會無緣無故反社會:他的同學(xué)、哈佛心理學(xué)教授以及他親弟弟都有意無意地扮演了助推的角色。 卡欽斯基前半生因?yàn)樘熨Y聰穎,永遠(yuǎn)都處于一個(gè)比他實(shí)際年齡成熟的求學(xué)環(huán)境中,并且沒有朋友,同樣聰慧的Doug是第一個(gè)走進(jìn)卡內(nèi)心的人;可對沒有社交障礙的Doug來說,卡只是他的玩伴之一,而當(dāng)某個(gè)玩伴和小女友比起來,孰輕孰重就不言而喻了。于是心智尚未成熟的卡欽斯基在Doug身上實(shí)施了他人生第一次“爆炸”實(shí)驗(yàn)。 第二個(gè)走進(jìn)卡內(nèi)心的人哈佛心理學(xué)教授Murray,卡形容他是哈佛里的希臘天神,耶穌親臨。 在卡的人生中從沒有人問他過得好不好,可是Murray問卡對世界的看法,并認(rèn)真傾聽。 卡欽斯基對于Murray的盲目崇拜和掏心掏肺,真的可以用“desperate”來形容。但前期有多傾慕,后期就有多絕望。卡只是Murray洗腦實(shí)驗(yàn)的試驗(yàn)品,而真正的實(shí)驗(yàn)過程極為不人性,要知道卡比他的同期更小更脆弱。幾十年后卡欽斯基在回憶這段經(jīng)歷還是會落淚,足見傷害之大,這段經(jīng)歷徹底改變了他,我相信也徹底改變了所有的被試者。他們的人生走向如何,沒人關(guān)心,而毀掉他們?nèi)松娜四?,還是繼續(xù)當(dāng)他的人生贏家。 第三個(gè)人是卡的弟弟,回憶中可以看出兩人一直以來關(guān)系都不錯(cuò),我想弟弟小時(shí)候應(yīng)該也是挺崇拜卡欽斯基的,畢竟有個(gè)智商超群不滿二十就去哈佛的哥哥也是件值得炫耀的事。再長大一些,他們的分歧開始了,弟弟工作戀愛結(jié)婚,卡欽斯基則開始為弟弟打工,最終因?yàn)閼偾槭艽旃_詆毀女方,導(dǎo)致卡被弟弟開除。這是卡住進(jìn)與世隔絕小木屋的導(dǎo)火索。 這三個(gè)人,Doug只是覺得同學(xué)玩鬧沒有當(dāng)真,弟弟只是做了尋常老板該做的維護(hù)秩序,只有Murray是有意施加傷害,并且作為心理學(xué)教授,他知道這樣做的嚴(yán)重后果,他也知道卡對他的幾乎病態(tài)的仰慕,卻仍然樂在其中,枉為人師啊。 E07菲茨成為了破案功勞最大同時(shí)又是最不知名的功臣,他在媒體給的deadline之前成功運(yùn)用語言鑒證學(xué)說服法官拿到了搜捕令;同時(shí),Cole一人領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了幾十人的特警組抵達(dá)蒙大拿,在等到搜捕令后,成功通過卡欽斯基的“熟人”,不費(fèi)一槍一彈誘捕了卡,這沒有戰(zhàn)術(shù)布放和實(shí)戰(zhàn)經(jīng)驗(yàn)無法完成,看出來Cole在這方面是有真本事的。 菲茨沒有等來他想象中的勝利和榮光,等來的是全世界的背離: Cole捕獲卡欽斯基后,F(xiàn)BI內(nèi)部通過無線聽到這一消息,歡呼一片,互相擁抱high-five;菲茨等待著,卻沒有一個(gè)人主動(dòng)走向他,似乎他與整場搜捕無關(guān);菲茨一人回到辦公室試圖聯(lián)系Natalie和妻子告知這一大好消息,沒有人愿意傾聽。 Cole勝利返還后FBI內(nèi)部為其舉辦盛大的慶功宴,也沒有人通知菲茨,因?yàn)樗谇型甑案夂螵?dú)自一人來到現(xiàn)場。 在慶功宴上,菲茨從電視上得知,Don和專案組組長領(lǐng)下了所有功勞,所有來源于菲茨日夜顛倒廢寢忘食的破案關(guān)鍵全都改頭換面成了組長的原創(chuàng)想法,這一幕伴隨之前種種徹底擊垮了他。 于是他深夜驅(qū)車,不顧信號燈,一路來到了卡欽斯基的小木屋,關(guān)上了小木屋的門。 我之前在E05評論里說,菲茨性格當(dāng)中是有缺陷的,這種缺陷會導(dǎo)致他的身邊空無一人??墒钦婵吹竭@一幕,還是受到不小沖擊:菲茨敗于自己,也敗于人情,敗于辦公室政治。 卡欽斯基曾說過“You can’t eat your cake and have it, too”, 是啊,菲茨,你不能既希望自己是一個(gè)聰明的混蛋,又希望所有人接納并喜歡一個(gè)聰明的混蛋。


E04-E05 :An Artist or An As*hole? E05的信息量很大,一是更多維度地展現(xiàn)了菲茨是個(gè)怎樣的人;二是慢慢揭示菲茨如何從1995年的意氣風(fēng)發(fā)淪落到1997年的與世隔絕,這集已有很多苗頭。 這兩點(diǎn)可以合并起來看,有因果關(guān)系。這集看完估計(jì)會多很多菲茨的負(fù)性評價(jià),有人為Tabby抱不平,有人為Natalie。 我看下來,菲茨身上有個(gè)非常奇怪的特性:真正對他產(chǎn)生影響的人和真正幫助他的人并不是同一批人:真正對他產(chǎn)生影響的人,卡欽斯基算一個(gè),大老板Don算一個(gè);真正幫助他的人,Tabby算一個(gè),Natalie算一個(gè)。 延伸出的第二個(gè)特性是:真正對他產(chǎn)生影響的人對他的傷害也很大,但他仍然樂此不疲希望贏得認(rèn)可;而真正幫助他的人,反過來菲茨又有意無意地對她們施加傷害: 真正對菲茨產(chǎn)生影響的人: 1)卡欽斯基不必說,因?yàn)檫@是菲茨一定要破的案子,拿下卡欽斯基之后意味著揚(yáng)名立萬;但是菲茨對于這位炸彈客產(chǎn)生的共鳴也是不一般的,很大原因是因?yàn)榉拼囊部傆幸环N被困住的感覺,之前當(dāng)巡警被日?,嵥槔ё?,終于做上側(cè)寫員卻被FBI的官僚主義困住,被找不到可以對話的人的孤獨(dú)感困住,所以他對卡欽斯基的側(cè)寫極度深刻,甚至把卡欽斯基的弟弟也嚇到。 只是卡欽斯基也不是凡人,才不會因?yàn)閰^(qū)區(qū)嘴炮就繳械;既然菲茨的榮耀是要踏著卡欽斯基的毀滅為代價(jià),那么卡對菲茨自然不會客氣。 2)Don的情況要復(fù)雜一些,一開始菲茨進(jìn)FBI是以Don和Cole為標(biāo)桿的,但菲茨很快發(fā)現(xiàn)Cole對炸彈客的分析是B.S., 而且剛愎自用聽不進(jìn)反對意見。但是Don不一樣,他雖然不會全盤否定Cole,這就是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的藝術(shù);愿意給新來的刺頭露臉的機(jī)會,有情勢所逼的原因,也有Don對菲茨能力的信任。我相信Don對于菲茨和Cole業(yè)務(wù)水平孰高孰低是有判斷的,之所以一直倚重Cole是因?yàn)椋瑢τ谒蓄I(lǐng)導(dǎo)者來說,下屬比能力更重要的是忠心,是服管,是合群,是服眾,而這四項(xiàng)菲茨統(tǒng)統(tǒng)都敗下陣來,而菲茨至今不知道自己敗的原因。 Don在E04選擇聽取菲茨的策略是他職業(yè)生涯的一場豪賭,他比菲茨更緊張,因?yàn)樗侵苯用娉仕痉ú块L的那個(gè)人,是直接領(lǐng)導(dǎo)這支隊(duì)伍的人,而這場豪賭在他看來輸了,極度失望之下他對菲茨說了重話,就是說菲茨自認(rèn)為是藝術(shù)家,其實(shí)只是非常容易替換的又一個(gè)混蛋罷了。菲茨因?yàn)檫@句話受到嚴(yán)重沖擊,一直持續(xù)到他回家都無法排解。 真正幫助菲茨的人: 1)我本來以為Natalie在菲茨心里有些地位,因?yàn)橹辽賰扇丝梢詫υ?,Natalie對菲茨又是完全接納的;未曾想菲茨在E05的表現(xiàn)讓人大跌眼鏡,我覺得菲茨是清楚Natalie對他的好感的,當(dāng)他需要Natalie的幫助一同查案時(shí),趕到她家第一句話是我和我老婆分居了,這句話要說沒有一點(diǎn)誘導(dǎo)性就太白目了。當(dāng)案情理出眉目,Natalie希望進(jìn)一步時(shí),菲茨卻作無辜狀,這就太白蓮花了,你要真是一朵白蓮花,那就完全談案情唄,提你和你老婆的關(guān)系作甚?所以Natalie才會說原來你只是把我當(dāng)做接近卡欽斯基的工具。 2)Tabby在E05讓人心疼,尤其離開前對菲茨說的那段話“我曾經(jīng)仰慕你,希望成為你,我想終于有一個(gè)人在我身上看到了特別之處,我終于不再是一個(gè)困在辦公室的外勤人員了,我以為可以做一些很酷的事,我以為可以做得更多?!笨墒欠拼脑诶猛闠abby冒著丟掉工作風(fēng)險(xiǎn)查來的線索,自己重回專案組,又親手把這份珍貴的感情打破。菲茨如果愿意努力一把,完全可以有更好的處理方法,只是Tabby對他也一樣,是接近卡欽斯基的另一個(gè)工具,在FBI內(nèi)部的工具,菲茨既然已經(jīng)重回專案組了,Tabby功效也失去大半了;他也從沒有將Tabby視為equal,如果有,Tabby走之后他不會有那帶有明顯輕蔑的表情。 從感情上來看,菲茨這樣的人設(shè)犯了觀眾的忌諱;從人物塑造上來說,編劇是成功的,寫出了菲茨的靈性脆弱,也沒有回避他的陰暗面:因?yàn)榉拼募仁且粋€(gè)犯罪分析的藝術(shù)家,又是一個(gè)冷酷功利的混蛋。 “你會有報(bào)應(yīng)的,走到盡頭時(shí)你會發(fā)現(xiàn)你身邊空無一人”。Tabby后來一語成讖~~~


謝謝友鄰@jinkie的補(bǔ)充,菲茨對于Tabby和Natalie的不在意也有性別原因這一層,放在上世紀(jì)九十年代的背景下看,職業(yè)女性所受到的輕視可見一斑;雖然今天很難說有質(zhì)的改變,但至少在米國大部分正常人得做到政治正確。 至于也有友鄰說Tabby出局這件事是Don的決定,菲茨沒有決定權(quán),這是事實(shí);但對Tabby來說,我冒著失去工作的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)為你菲茨找來了關(guān)鍵線索,Don決定我出局是一回事,菲茨你有沒有為我爭取是另一回事,爭取不下來的情況下你怎么看待我出局是我最關(guān)心的事,菲茨對此的態(tài)度很冷淡:你當(dāng)初給我地址的時(shí)候就該想到這個(gè)結(jié)果了。這是讓Tabby和觀眾覺得齒冷的。


E01-E03:A Kindred Spirit? E02菲茨與卡欽斯基見面之前,F(xiàn)BI高層對菲茨說:我覺得卡欽斯基只要求和你談,是因?yàn)樗J(rèn)出了”A Kindred Spirit”,要利用這一點(diǎn)。 果真如此?卡欽斯基怎么看菲茨?從兩人的三次過招,卡并沒有將菲茨看作equal,他非常有條不紊、又非常殘忍細(xì)致地,試圖摧毀向自己發(fā)起挑戰(zhàn)的,菲茨的精神世界: 第一回合: FBI策略:與卡欽斯基建立聯(lián)系,讓他覺得與你菲茨有共鳴,你在幫他免于坐電椅之苦; 卡欽斯基應(yīng)對: 主動(dòng)提出交換個(gè)人感受——建立聯(lián)系,不動(dòng)聲色地贏得談話的主動(dòng)權(quán); 幾次告訴菲茨,你和其他人不同,你我都期望自由,而我只選擇了你——共情強(qiáng)化這種聯(lián)系; 最后調(diào)侃地對著鏡頭說菲茨做得還不錯(cuò)——讓FBI錯(cuò)覺漸入佳境,勝利在望 回頭想想,這句話帶著調(diào)笑的意味,像是一個(gè)成年人看一個(gè)學(xué)步的幼童,哎呀,居然還是蹣跚地走起來了,還不錯(cuò)嘛~ 另一個(gè)線索,是卡離開審訊室之前,對菲茨說給我?guī)c(diǎn)郵票和紙筆,我要回很多信。估計(jì)卡的言下之意這次會面不如給人回信這件事重要。 而菲茨和FBI卻認(rèn)為這次見面向目標(biāo)邁進(jìn)了一步,依然摩拳擦掌,尚不知風(fēng)雨欲來。 第二回合: FBI策略:不帶感情,不談理論,用證據(jù)狠狠打擊,讓卡意識到認(rèn)罪是唯一選擇。 卡欽斯基應(yīng)對: 讓菲茨掌握主動(dòng)權(quán),靜等其呈現(xiàn)FBI掌握的所有證據(jù)——再度摸底確認(rèn)證據(jù)鏈; 說如果認(rèn)罪是唯一選擇,那么我同意——假意放棄抵抗,菲茨與高層開始放松; 然而真正的卡欽斯基碾壓才剛開始: 你知道我為什么選擇你?所有能指證我犯下罪行的證據(jù)都是在我的木屋里搜查的,而這搜查令基于你菲茨獨(dú)創(chuàng)的語言分析學(xué)而來,你在哪里受的這門學(xué)科教育?你是拿了博士還是碩士學(xué)位?還是你10多年巡警生涯里的涂鴉管制鑄就了你的語言學(xué)造詣? 現(xiàn)在你知道我為什么選擇你了?應(yīng)用毒樹之果理論,你就是那棵毒樹,所有因你語言分析得來的證據(jù)都被污染了,都將作廢。 這算是很直接地表示出對菲茨的看法了,簡直就是一種精神凌遲,你能從菲茨的表情中看到他的尊嚴(yán)在一片片剝落(PS這段薩姆將那種瀕臨窒息的感覺演得極好,心疼一秒),沒有高學(xué)歷,只能做小鎮(zhèn)巡警,還不得不做了10來年,每一件都是菲茨跪求放過的痛處。如果卡將菲茨視為同類,恐怕不會這般釜底抽薪。 FBI迅速將菲茨視作棄子,但菲茨卻不愿罷手,這里可以看出菲茨的心理彈性很好,在受到這般重創(chuàng)之后還能調(diào)整情緒及策略,并且在沒有外援情況下只身赴會。 第三回合: 菲茨策略: 我準(zhǔn)備離開了,離開之前我想問你一個(gè)問題——假意放棄重現(xiàn); 我和你一樣放棄現(xiàn)代生活,每天枕著你寫的宣言入睡,因?yàn)槲页绨菽恪噲D引起共情,但那句崇拜,作為旁觀者聽得有些假; 指出卡欽拒絕認(rèn)罪等于放棄承認(rèn)自己是炸彈客,那么所有炸彈客希望帶來的變革以及希望留下的遺產(chǎn)都將作廢——兩難困境,要么承認(rèn)是炸彈客享受legacy,要么否認(rèn)成為自由人失去崇拜者的尊重。這招其實(shí)不錯(cuò),有那么一瞬間讓卡陷入思考。 卡欽斯基應(yīng)對: 我只是在技術(shù)層面會被宣判無罪,因?yàn)槲沂荈BI草率工作的犧牲品,并不會直接否認(rèn)我是炸彈客;我只不過用制度中的漏洞擊敗制度。 至于一直說我的legacy,那么菲茨你的legacy呢?你的legacy是我。你窮盡一生都極度渴望尊重,極度渴望證明你比其他人要聰明,有那么一刻,你是的,因?yàn)槟阕サ搅苏◤椏?;可是現(xiàn)在我馬上就要自由了,你也馬上就要變回那個(gè)一事無成的愚蠢巡警,最可悲的是,你對世界一點(diǎn)改變都沒有。你這一生最多你只是對我的拙劣模仿而已。 這場攻擊更為冷血徹底,第二次大多圍繞在菲茨的證據(jù)鏈,這次則完全否定菲茨的價(jià)值;并且不無冷酷地戳破,你菲茨不是我的鏡像,充其量是我的回聲而已。 但是仔細(xì)分析,卡欽斯基為何會如此這般人身攻擊,是不是也因?yàn)樗麑τ诜拼挠幸恍╇y言的惱怒? 第一層惱怒,被捕本不在卡的計(jì)劃之中,因?yàn)槠涿撟镉?jì)劃是在被捕以后做的。那么卡的惱怒就很好理解了,菲茨的介入打破了自己全能又隱秘的“革命者形象”。 第二層惱怒,即使被捕,卡也沒想到自己168智商+博士學(xué)位+ UC Berkley最年輕教授這樣的高知,會敗在一個(gè)小鎮(zhèn)巡警的手上;所以他堅(jiān)持一定要面對面這位傳說中的菲茨,也許他期待是自己的equal,或者是世外高人,然而卻是一個(gè)試圖以同類甚至崇拜者自居,并不與卡在同一認(rèn)知水平的,一眼就能看到底的菲茨。 第三層惱怒,菲茨在進(jìn)化,從策略上他在習(xí)得,用子之矛攻子之盾;在應(yīng)激上,這回菲茨也受到了很大沖擊,但是他一直撐到卡視線之外才流露出這一面;這次見面,菲茨的言論其實(shí)也擊中了卡欽斯基,這可以從卡在菲茨離開后的神情看出。一個(gè)在不斷進(jìn)化又不輕易言敗的菲茨,對卡而言,他想象中的的脫獄之路將充滿未知數(shù)。

 6 ) 《炸彈追兇》第6集 分集劇評——Ted,你還差我們一個(gè)轉(zhuǎn)身

聲明:點(diǎn)評劇集,僅是個(gè)人愛好,文中觀點(diǎn)僅代表個(gè)人,本人秉承一千個(gè)觀眾就有一千個(gè)炸彈客,影視作品,好與不好,沒有絕對,喜不喜歡,您隨意。

Ted的林間小屋

“大衛(wèi),你知道我這些年來,一直很難與他人產(chǎn)生羈絆。我就是不知道他們的感受,他們到底在想什么.我感覺自己一生都在窗戶的另一邊,觀察這個(gè)世界。我不知道怎樣才能穿過窗戶來到另一邊,在那里一切都很容易”——泰德.卡欽斯基

David,you know I’ve always had trouble connecting with people.I just can’t tell what they’re feeling,what they’re really thinking about.My whole life,I’ve felt like I’m watching the world from the other side of a window and I just don’t know how to pass through to the other side where everything is effortless”——ted Kaczynski

上集講到 Fitz 探員終于為我們揭開了炸彈客的身份——泰德卡欽斯基,本集則聚焦了泰德的過往,讓我們近距離地觀看到他是如何從一個(gè)天之驕子走向犯罪的。

中學(xué)時(shí)的Ted

Ted的智商很高,說是天才也不為過,因?yàn)闃O其聰明,所以上中學(xué)時(shí)連跳兩級,16歲考上哈佛,毫無疑問,泰德是個(gè)天之驕子。然而,因?yàn)樘壸屗チ伺c同齡人交往成長的機(jī)會,內(nèi)向敏感的性格又讓他拙于表達(dá)且易受傷害。

大學(xué)時(shí)的Ted,活脫脫的一個(gè)小鮮肉

我覺得Ted選擇隱居并不是他不喜歡與人交往、交流。相反,Ted非??释裾H艘粯?,交朋友,有伴侶,組成家庭。從中學(xué)時(shí)找伙伴,大學(xué)時(shí)尋求教授的認(rèn)同,工作后找伴侶可以看出,Ted本身是渴望被愛的,只是敏感的他不知道該怎么去愛。

中年時(shí)的Ted,歲月是把殺豬刀啊

而在哈佛,Ted被他最認(rèn)可最信任的Murray教授背叛,并且被當(dāng)眾羞辱,自尊被殘酷無情的剝奪,如果說Ted一開始只是較為孤僻,對生活仍保有熱情和希望的話,那從此泰德開始變得憤世嫉俗。最終,弟弟David炒掉他,則是壓倒Ted的最后一根稻草。沒有無緣無故的愛,也沒有無緣無故的恨。如果當(dāng)年沒有經(jīng)歷過朋友、師長、兄弟甚至父母有意或無意的忽視和背叛,Ted會變成現(xiàn)在這樣嗎?

Ted不斷的制造炸彈,并非是他嗜好殺戮,他是在表達(dá)無盡的憤怒,想得到關(guān)注,以及尊重,盡管方式并不恰當(dāng)。然而,過這樣一種生活真的是Ted想要的嗎?No,正如他自己所說。But,他卻只會過這樣一種生活。

本集中最讓我觸動(dòng)的一幕是Ted最后來到Timmy屋外,天知道他下了多大的勇氣,拿著那個(gè)雖然簡陋但足以包含他心意的自制禮物,雖然踟躕了一會兒,但他還是邁開了向前的腳步,他馬上就快要進(jìn)去了,但Ted突然停下了,然后畫面切換到佛雷德拿了一個(gè)炫目的電子琴,Ted低下頭看了看自己手中的寒酸的,甚至有些丑陋的鐵東西,然后慢慢轉(zhuǎn)身離開。那一刻,我看到了Ted滿腔期待的勇氣以及,不堪一擊的敏感和脆弱。

本集個(gè)人最喜歡的一個(gè)畫面,身處黑暗中的Ted正走向光明

Ted在踟躕,要不要進(jìn)去

Ted鼓起勇氣,走向前去,卻突然停了下來

鏡頭切換,原來是Timmy收到的禮物,一個(gè)炫目的電子琴

Ted低下了頭

Ted低頭看自己寒酸的,甚至有些“丑陋”的鐵東西,再次猶豫

“”我感覺自己一生都在窗戶的另一邊,觀察這個(gè)世界。我不知道怎樣才能穿過窗戶來到另一邊,在那里一切都很容易”(這個(gè)畫面是本集的點(diǎn)睛之筆!跟前文呼應(yīng))

Ted轉(zhuǎn)身走向了黑暗(Ted,你還差我們個(gè)轉(zhuǎn)身啊,別走。讓人心碎,淚奔。)

本集無論是演員的表演,畫面的調(diào)度以及臺詞的精致,都可以說是相當(dāng)完美,當(dāng)然,前幾集也很棒,但如果選最佳的話,我會毫不猶豫得為本集投上一票。

根據(jù)上集劇情,Ted怎么被發(fā)現(xiàn)的已經(jīng)明顯了,接下來就是最后的抓捕程序了,這點(diǎn)已沒有讓人感興趣的地方了,接下來我很想知道兩個(gè)問題:第一,菲茨探員為何也跟泰德一樣突然去隱居了?第二,Ted最終會怎么選擇呢?認(rèn)罪?Or被釋放?

更多影評劇評可關(guān)注:

阿duang看電影

 短評

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